Electronic edition compiled by Beatrix Färber
Funded by School of History, University College, Cork
1. First draft.
Extent of text: 7345 words
Distributed by CELT online at University College, Cork, Ireland.
Text ID Number: L600019
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CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts
The present text represents the introduction, on pp. 249255, and Latin text, on odd pages 255283. The Irish text, edited from RIA MS 23 N 16, is available in a separate file, G600019.
Text has been checked and proofread twice.
The electronic text represents the edited text. U and V have been standardized according to their modern phonetic values. Vowel ligatures have been rendered as separate vowels; names of persons and books have been capitalized at CELT. Where the hardcopy uses italics to denote expansions in the electronic text ex tags are used instead. The text presented here comprises only a small part of Lanfranc's Chirurgia Magna.
Soft hyphens at line end are silently removed. Words containing a hard or soft hyphen crossing a page-break, line-break, or a folio-break have been placed on the line on which they start.
div0=the whole text; div1=the Tractatus; div2=the Doctrina; div3=the Capitulum. Paragraphs are numbered in line with the printed edition, page-breaks are marked pb n=""/; milestones are marked mls unit="edition folio and column" n="".
Dates are standardized in the ISO form yyyy-mm-dd. No dates are given in the extract of the treatise presented here.
This text uses the DIV3 element to represent the Capitulum.
Created: By Lanfranc of Milan (c. 1250c. 1206) (1296)
Beatrix Färber (ed.)
Beatrix Färber (ed.)
Beatrix Färber (ed.)
Beatrix Färber (ed.)
Beatrix Färber (ed.)
Beatrix Färber (ed.)
The following text is taken from 23. N. 16 (=MS 443), a small quarto paper MS. in the Royal Irish Academy, and forms three and a half chapters of Lanfranc's Chirurgia Magna. The MS contains 138 folios written in a clear, neat, small hand, with many contractions. It contains a number of Early Modern Irish translations of Latin Medical works as follows:
These translations are masterly and faithful renderings of the original, and show the skill and ease which whith the early Irish doctors could reproduce technical and philosophical Latin treatises in their own tongue. These works were used as text books in the Medical Schools, and the large number of copies preserved in libraries throughout the world prove how extensively they were used. As I do not know of any other copy there are no variants.
23. N. 16 was one of the MSS. in the collection of Sir William Betham, the then Ulster King-of-Arms, and was acquired by the Royal Irish Academy in 1850, by subscription ( Proceedings 18501853).
The MS. was written between the years 1597 and 1601, but the name of the scribe was unfortunately lost. In a note on fol. 122 the scribe asks a blessing on the translator, i.e. Séamus Mac Gearóid Uí Fiongaini. On fol. 123 there is a similar prayer, but here the name is Donatus Juvenis, so apparently the various treatises were translated by different scholars. The text abounds in contractions and abbreviations, almost every second word being illegible to the uninitiate. These contractions formed a medical code which was in use throughout the Middle Ages, and was very difficult to interpret. Many scribal notes and colophons occur throughout the MA., which are interesting from a topographical, historic, and human point of view. The following are some examples:
fol. 11v. O Mary (Virgin)! Often have we had to complain of you, Kate. Because you found no coin in my purse, small is your care for me today.)
fol. 22v. Great is your drunkenness and your chatter, Tadg mac Chriosdora, you disgusting mercenary churl.
fol. 23v. In the room of the friars I am now, St. John's Eve, 1597.
fol. 61. Finis Anno Domini 1596. On the 22nd of May in Achaidh mhic Áirt (a ruined church north west of Ballyragget in Co. Kilkenny bordering on Queen's Co.). A skirmish took place between Uaithni mac Ruruighi Í Mhordha and Master Framhas, Uaithni having the protection of the Council and the Justice, and Master Framhas had the misfortune to fall thereat and if reports are true that was no great loss for the Irish; many English fell too, and whether they did or not, Uaithne would not have minded killing them. And it is related that Seoirse mac Seamus fell on that day, and if it's true it is a sad tale because he was learned, noble-minded and honourable. And it is no lie that Seoirse fell.
fol. 83. I am weary today from all I endured in the heat yesterday.
fol. 122. (End of Egidius on contents of urine). Since the remaining words of the author are easy to understand, for that reason we shall put an end to the work in honour of God and of Mary our Queen and of the Court of Angels.
Finis anno Domini 1610 The 22nd of June in Edarguil in the presence of Donnchadh og Ó Conchubhair. May God give his grace to the soul of the person who put Irish on this, that is, Sémus mac Geroid Ui Fiongaini. And at that time the final rout and banishment of the inhabitants of Laoighis took place, men, women and young people small and big. And Sir Henry Power, president of the County of Laoighis and the Sheriff of the same county, Piggott, are destroying and plundering everywhere that they can find cattle, horses or sheep or any of their property in their own
The MS is in a very bad state of repair. Both corners are much damaged and some pages are missing at the beginning and end.
The language is Early Modern Irish, such as was used in all Irish Medical MSS, bearing no trace of Middle Irish peculiarities. The value of the tract is largely lexicographical it would be of little use from the modern medical point of view and as such is very great, as it contains many unrecorded medical and philosophic terms, both native and adapted from Latin. I have not altered the spelling and I have italicised only the most unusual contractions, leaving the ordinary abbreviations expanded without much comment.
The translation is of the opening chapters of the Chirurgia Magna of Lanfrancus de Mediolano.
Lanfranc.
Lanfranc was born not later than 1245, and was probably a member of the noble and well-known family of Lanfranchi. He studied in Bologna under William of Saliceto, who was professor at that university from 1269 to 1275 and left in that year for Verona. In 1270 Lanfranc wrote his Chirurgia Minor. In one of the innumerbale squabbles of the Italian city states he took the side of the De la Torre family against the Viconti. When his party was overthrown Lanfranc was
While he was still at Lyons he began his Chirurgia Magna and finished it in Paris in 1296. This is an expansion of his earlier work. Lanfranc died about 1306. He stands with Guy de Chauliac, who is said to have been his pupil, as amongst the greatest surgeons of the Middle Ages. Jehann Ypermann, the greatest of mediaeval Flemish surgeons, is also believed to have studied under him. The well-known French surgeon, Henri de Mondeville, was present at some of his operations.
The chief interest in Lanfranc's work is his treatment of wounds. He taught that in the case of a wound involving a bone the latter must be completely mended before the surrounding flesh might be sewn upas otherwise it would never heal for its matter is created from the seed of the father and the mother. (See paragraph 7 infra.)
He held that cancer of the breat was incurable and refused to operate.
The Chirurgia Magna
The Chirurgia Magna contains five treatises (tractatus) each of which is divided into teachings (doctrina) and again subdivided into chapters (capitulum). The following fragment contains merely the first three chapters of the first teaching of the first treatise, and part of the beginning of the second teaching which is not divided into chapters.
The first Treatise is of general rules of surgery, etc.: the second of wounds and of anatomy; the third of cures for diseases which are not wounds; the fourth of algebra(?) i.e. broken bones and dislocations; the fifth deals with cures and is an antidotarium.
Lanfranc claims that his book covers the whole field of surgery, as is shewn by the name he himself gave it,
The opening of the fifth book of the the Chirurgia Magna is a typical example of Lanfranc's quietly ingenuous style: Tractatus quintus huius libri est antidotarium. In quo intendo ponere medicinas tam simplices quam compositas: quae huic arti, quantum ad chirurgiam spectat: sunt necessariae: quanquam non omnes ponam: quoniam infinitae sunt: & ab intellectu humano incomprehensibiles: nec est aliquis quantumcunque expertus: qui millesimam partem sciat earum, quae valent ad chirurgicum instrumentum. Nullas enim in eo ponemus: nisi illas quibus longo tempore sumus vsi: quas a reverendis doctoribus medicis, ac etiam mulieribus habuimus; quae omnes sine dubio in casibus suis sunt expertae. (fol 255v.)
The Chirurgia Magna was printed first in Venice in 1490. As there is no copy of this edition in Ireland I have used
The Irish text occupies fol. 208210.
The editions of Lanfranc's works are as follows: Chirurgia Magna; Chirurgia Minor: Venice 1490, 1519, 1546. Lyons 1533.
The Chirurgia Magna has been translated into various languages, French translation by Guillaume Yvoire, Lyons 1490; German translation by Otto Brunfels, Frankfurt am Main 1566; English translation from two MSS. Bodleian Ashmole 1396 (ca. 1380). British Museum Additional 12056 (ca. 1420) edited for the Early English Texts Society as Lanfrank's Science of Cirurgie by Dr. Robert v. Fleischhacker, 1894, original series 102.
Irish translation 1606 (see infra).
¶1] {edition folio and column 208r col 1}Omne quod investigare volumus: uno trium modurum investigari potest:1 aut per eius nomen: aut per eius actionem: aut per veram essentialem eius diffinitionem ipsius essentiam demonstrantem. Istis modis tribus investigare possumus chirurgiam per nominis interpretationem: quia dicitur a cheir graece, quod est manus: & ergeia quod est operatio: unde chirurgia2 {edition folio and column 208r col 2} .i. operatio manualis: eo quod finis eius & utilitas in manus operatione consistit. Eodem modo per eius actionem possumus eam cognoscere: quare consistit in operatione manuali. Per rei diffinitionem dicit Galenus: Qui veritatem rei perpendere voluerit naturaliter non ex suo nomine: sed ex sui essentia investigare conetur.
Notitia nominis impositi non tollit ignorantiam, quam dat extremitas rei: ergo si notitia propter nomen rei non est notitia bona: & actionis notitia cum notitia nominis est eadem: relinquitur quod chirurgia per eius diffinitionem eius essentiam demonstrantem inquiramus. Unde dicimus quod chirurgia est scientia medicinalis: qua docemur operari cum manibus in humano corpore, continuitatem solvendo, & solutionem continuitatis ad statum pristinum vel priorem quantum possible fuerit reducendo: & superfluitatem extirpando secundum intentionem theoricae medicinae. Cum enim dicimus quod chirurgia est scientia: contradicimus illis: qui dicunt quod chirurgia est operatio particularis: quae res est finita & corruptibilis: de qua scientia non existit medicinalis, additur: quoniam hoc nomen scientia non proprie, sed communiter hic sumitur, ut habetur in Techni. Cum dicitur: qua docemur operari: ad differentam dicitur theoricae. Cum dicitur: cum manibus: ad aliorum dicitur practicae instrumentorum differentiam. Cum dicitur: in humano corpore: dicitur ad differentiam marescalorum: qui circa bruta cum manibus operantur. Sed quoniam hucusque posset tota practica sic diffiniri: adduntur tres differentiae cunctas operationes & singulas chirurgi continentes: quae sunt continuum solvere: solutum continuare: & superfluum removere. Cum autem dicitur: quantum possible fuerit: dicitur: quare ne dicatur: ille non est chirurgus: qui membrum laesum ducit ad meliorem possibilitatis modum: licet non ita pulchrum vel integrum sicut erat. Cum dicitur, secundum intentionem theoricae: dicitur ut sciatur quod necessarium est chirurgo scire theoricam: sicut apparebit apertissime in suo loco.
¶2] Partes generales chirurgiae: quicquid dicant alii: sunt tres intentiones chirurgiae: quae in proprio erunt capitulo
Necessarium est quod chirurgus proportionatam habeat compositionem & complexionem similiter temperatam. Rasis. Cuius facies formosa non est, impossibile est bonos habere mores: & Avi. Mali mores malae complexionis speciem sunt sequentes: & ut etiam manus habeat bene formatas: digitos graciles & longos: corpus forte, non tremulum: & membra cuncta habilia ad perficiendum bonas animae operationes. Sit subtilis ingenij: quoniam apponendorum quantitas non potest litteris ullatenus denotari. G. Sit naturalis, humilis, & fortis animi, non audacis. Naturali scientia sit munitus: non medicina solum, sed in omnibus partibus philosophiae studeat: naturalis logicam sciat: ut scripturas intelligat. Loquetur congrue: quod docet grammatica. Propositiones suas sciat rationibus approbare: quod docet dialectica. Verba sua sciat secundum intentionem propositam adaptare: quod docet rethorica. Adeo noscat ethicam, quod spernat vitia, et mores habeat virtuosos: non sit gulosus{edition folio and column 208v col 1}3: non adulter: non invidus: non avarus: sit fidelis. Sic se totum aegro exhibeat: quod nihil ex parte sua: de contingentibus omittatur. In aegri domo verba curae non pertinentia non loquatur. Mulierem de domo aegri, visu temerario respicere non praesumat: nec cum ea loquatur ad consilium nisi pro utilitate curae. Non det in domo aegri consilium nisi petitum. Cum aegro vel aliquo de familia non rixetur: sed blande loquatur aegro: promittens eidem quamcumque salutem in aegritudine. Et si de ipsius salute fuerit desperatus: cum
¶3] Practica sensualiter nos docet quotidie chirurgicum instrumentum: & finis qui sequitur ex officio chirurgiae: quod necessarium est chirurgo scire partes omnes & singulas medicinae. Nam si scientiam elementorum, quae est primum
¶4] Quod enim chirurgo scire de complexionibus corporum & membrorum & medicinarum sit necessarium sensualiter sic per experimentum probatur. Ponatur quod duo viri sint in eadem hora & in eadem aetate & in eodem loco, ut in medio brachij ex transversa cum sense4 vel simili gladio vulnerati: unus tamen est complexionis ca. & hu. alius frigidae & sic laicorum usus & opinio iudicat quod uterque istorum simili modo medicetur: sed scientia complexionis nos docet per instrumentum chirurgicum rationabiliter approbata: quod ambo non debent uno modo curari: imo de primo timebimus, scilicet de illo qui est calidae complexionis: ne incurrat in febrem: & ne in membro superveniat calidum apostema. Nam dicit Gal. Membra calidum apostema habentia sunt febri sicut fons: corpori sicut fornax. Nam haec complexio ut testatur Gale. Isach & Avi. omnibus alijs praeparatior est ad febrem. Quid ergo fiet? considerabitur si multus sanguis exivit de vulnere: quod si sic, bene quidem, si autem non: faciemus ipsum phlebotomari ex brachio contrario vel {edition folio and column 209r col 1} pede eiusdem lateris, si virtus & aetas conveniant: vel ventosabimus ipsum ex duabus anchis, si virtus
¶5] Sed supra vulnus medicinam ponemus defensivam de bolo arme. & oleo rosa. & pauco aceto: ita quod medicina attingat ad finem vulneris: ne possit humor ad locum vulneratum habere decursum. Et prohibemus ei vinum, carnes, lac, ova, pisces, et cibos multum sanguinem generantes. Sed erit contentus pro cibo iuscella avenae vel hordei cum amygdalis: & generaliter diaeta tenui et stricta usque ad securitatem apostematis. Et si scimus ipsum ab apostemate & febre defendere: complexionis scientia nos docet: quod iste celeriter debet curari sive liberari. Alius vero non phlebotomatur nec ventosabitur: quia sanguis est pro thesauro in talibus conservandus. Non prohibentur ei carnes nec vinum: quia stomachus eius & digestiva est debilis: et materiam non posset vulneri necessariam generare: nec timemus in eo febrem: quoniam eius complexio ad febrem non est apta. Praeterea unam et eandem invenimus medicinam una et eodem modo paratam: quae si diversis corporum adhibeatur complexionibus: diversum manifeste facit effectum. Vitreolum enim romanum, quod in gallico dicitur cuparosa: si siccorum corporum vulneribus apponatur, carnem adiuvat generari. Humidorum vero non solum non generat, sed corrodit. Nec tamen vitreoli actio est nisi una: licet diversi sequantur effectus propter diversitatem corporum subiectorum: sicut solis actio est diversa: non propter solem: sed propter diversitatem corporum in quae agit. Vitreolum enim valde desiccat: et in corporibus siccis membra consimilia invenit fortia suae fortitudini resistentia: quare non potest nisi superfluitates vulneris desiccare repertas: quibus desiccatis natura carnem generat. In humidis vero corporibus: quoniam eorum membra debilia non possunt fortitudini vitreoli resistere: patiuntur ab eo: & convertuntur in liquorem: et sic per vitreolum putredo in vulnere augmentatur.
¶6] Quod dictum est diversis corporum complexionibus: dicitur de diversis membrorum complexionibus Gale. Si duo fuerint vulnera in sanie aequalia: unum tamen in sicco membro: aliud in humido: quod est in sicco indiget medicina sicciori. Et si vulnera sint in duobus membris in complexione similibus: unum tamen multam habeat saniem: aliud vero paucam: multam saniem habens, medicina indiget sicciori. Ioannes Damasceni. Medicamina & emplastra debent esse homogenea membris: quibus apponuntur. Et Galenus. Res naturalis debet cum similibus custodiri: quae vero contra naturam, cum contrarijs expelli. Si ergo naturales complexiones chirurgus ignorabit: quomodo poterit secundum diversas complexiones membrorum & corporum medicamina variare? maxime si complexiones medicinarum & gradus etiam ignorabit. Humorem etiam generationem; quae sunt tertium rerum naturalium membrum: oportet scire chirurgum: & scientiam, & causam apostematum debet scire: sicut etiam in tractatu de apostematibus est declaratum. Membrorumque5{edition folio and column 209r col 2} diversitatem & ipsorum utilitatem & officia scire debet: ut sciat quae membra magnam actionem in corpore habent: & quae sunt magni sensus fortem non sustinerent medicinam. Virtutes etiam oportet quod cognoscat: ut videat quando alicuius virtutis actio minuatur: ut membro possit succurrere illius laesae operationis officio servienti. Et si scientiam habet virtutum operationum & spirituum sibi notitia non latebit. omnes praedictae res sunt naturales: quae sunt primum membrum divisionis primae theoricae medicinae.
¶7] Simili modo necesse est sibi rerum non naturalium habere notitiam: ut sciat suo vulnerato vel apostemoso convenientem aerem eligere. Vulnera nanque non desiccantur in aere humido vaporoso: sed oportet vulneratos de aere tali
¶8] Membrum etiam8 tertium: quod est vulnus, ulcus, fistula, cancer, apostema: &, alia necessarium est cognoscere: ut sciat super quo, & pro quo, & ad quid oporteat ipsum laborare: quoniam haec omnia diversa sunt: & secundum eorum diversitates diversis indigent iuvamentis. Causam etiam sui morbi, verbi gratia scire debet. Nam vulnera quae fiunt ab ense, aliter curantur: quam vulnera quae fiunt per concussionem lapidis vel a casu. Et vulnera quae fiunt a
¶9] Sciendum est quod omnis intentio chiruirgi9 quantumcunque sit diversa particulariter: et quo ad hominem infinita: sub una trium intentionum generalium continetur. Prima est solutio continuitatis. Secunda est solutionis continuatio. Tertia est superflui remotio: dum tamen haec omnia fiant cum manu. Nam sub istis tribus intentionibus: vel sub una istarum sive aliqua istarum: omnes intentiones chirurgi continentur. Solvitur nanque continuum per chirurgum quando phlebotomat: quando scarificat: quando cauterizat: quando sanquisugas apponit: quare licet haec omnia propter nostram superbiam et dedignationem barberijs & mulieribus relinquantur: tamen de opere sunt chirurgi. Nam Gal. & Rasis prout in eorum apparet scripturis: hoc proprijs manibus faciebant. Et ego phlebotomo usus sum interdum manu propria phlebotomando venam: ad quam famosi barberij
¶10] Quoniam ut dicit Gale. Necessarium est chirurgo scire anatomiam:11 ne credat latum ligamentum esse pelliculam: et rotundum ligamentum esse nervum: & in suis operationibus cadat in errorem:12 proposui de natura, formis, iuvamentis, & de complexione membrorum consimilium proprium facere emplastrum. Et quoniam, ut dicit Avicen. notitia rei quae causam habet, non potest haberi, nisi per suas causas sciatur. Oportet nos igitur considerare causas membrorum consimilium, propter hoc sumendo summas creditas super principijs medicinalibus secundum quod medici crediderunt. Ponam in principio generationem embryonis prout esse creditur: et ab auctoribus medicinae traditur. Et si quis altior quam medicus
¶11] De generatione embryonis quatuor sunt positiones: alias intentiones: apud rerum certitudinem inquirentes. Quarum tres quamquam in verbis videantur aliqualiter discordare: tamen in una conveniunt veritate. Alia quidem in verbis penitus et in veritate discordat. Nam philosophorum summus id est Aristo. dicit quod embryo generatur ex viri spermate & sanguine menstruoso mulieris: & quod sperma viri se habet per modum factoris: & sanguis menstruus per modum materiae. Hoc quidem taliter intellexit Averrois: Quod sperma viri nulla modo staret in substantia embryonis: & quod sperma mulieris ad generationem nullo modo intraret. Gal. vero ponit: quod ex duobus spermatibus viri, scilicet & mulieris adinvicem agentibus et patientibus: ita quod unumquodque ipsorum ageret in aliud: & pateretur ab alio: fieret embryonis generatio: ita tamen fit quod ex spermate viri fieret actio fortior minor autem ex spermate mulieris. Avic. vero qui in dictis pro me physicis laboravit Gal. sequens opinionem, cassat omnino Averrois dictionem: dicens quod ex duobus spermatibus fit generatio embryonis: ita quod si mulier non spermatizat, non fit filius neque filia. Et quod sicut coagulum se habet in caseo per viam coagulationis active: & lac se habet per viam coagulationis passive: ita sperma viri ad embryonis generationem se habet per viam coagulationis active: et sperma mulieris per viam coagulationis passive. Et quemadmodum unumquodque duorum coaguli, scilicet & lactis est pars substantiae casei: qui fit ex eis: ita unumquodque duorum spermatum est pars substantiae embryonis: nec istud verbum discordat a philosopho. Nam sperma mulieris non est adeo a natura sanguinis elongatum propter mulieris frigiditatem non valentis illud bene decoquere: & propter vicinitatem vasorum spermatis & matricis: quod non est dignum vocari sperma. Et propter hoc voluit philosopho ipsum sanguinem menstruum appellare. Et etiam licet ex duobus spermatibus fiat embryonis prima generatio: ex quibus omnia membra consimilia, excepta carne et pinguedine generantur: tamen ad ipsorum augmentum & ad carnis generationem
¶12]
- Cum recipit matrix generando spermata patris:
Sex in lacte dies stat: tribus linea punctus.
Incipit: & sanguis sex: post in spermata transit
Humiditas: caro fit sequentibus in duodenis:
Nuchaque longatur: tria membra regalia constant
In reliquis novem extremis latera distant.
Humerus, et ceruix, venter, quatuorque sequentes
Perficiunt totum: dant motum: denique quinque
Duplica: sicque dies dat nonagesima motum.
Si quaeris ortum: tunc tempus triplica totum.
¶13] Sola ergo caro & pinguedo generantur ex sanguine menstruoso: ossa uero & cartilagines, ligamenta, nervi, venae, chordae, arteriae, panniculi, cutis ex duobus spermatibus generantur: ut vult Avic. & omnes alij doctores: & ut approbat experimentum chirurgicum. Nam si aliquod istorum membrorum amputetur: nullatenus vera restauratione restauratur: quoniam eorum materia fuit sperma parentum: quod formam aliam acquisivit: sed caro cuius materia est sanguis: qui quotidie generatur in nobis: cui sanguis dat formam veram restaurationem recipit & completam.
¶14] Ista vero membra consimilia diversas habent formas, complexiones, & iuvamenta secundum diversitatem proportionis materiae ex qua componuntur: quia licet omnia ex eadem sint composita: commista materia tamen in unoquoque membrorum consimilium alia & alia est materiae13 {edition folio and column 210r col 2}proportio: propter quod formam diversam & iuvamenta suscipere meruerunt. Nam deus omnipotens non aemulus, non avarus, dat unicuique rei de forma secundum quod eius proportionata materia requirit.
¶15] Os nanque primum est membrorum consimilium: & est frigidum & siccum: & habet diversas in corpore formas: & diversum numerum et multiplicem: propter divers in corpore iuvamenta. Iuvamentum enim multiplicationis ossium fuit: quia necessarium erat unum membrum sine alio aliquando moveri: quod fleri non potuisset: si solum unum os fuisset. Et etiam quoniam alia sunt ut clypeus membra