Prior to the Reformation in Ireland, the Roman Catholic religion, stimulated neither by scepticism, contradiction or persecution, had long ceased to have any influence on political events. It was regarded by the mass of the people with a stupid acquiescence approaching to indifference. The clergy, like all long established clergy, neglected their duties, and so far from inspiring the enthusiastic attachment which they now do, were considered as an oppressive incumbrance. We have the authority of Archbishop Brown for stating, that their ignorance was extreme; and that they were frequently incapable of performing the common offices of religion.
If we except the excommunication of the adherents of Warbeck and Simnel by the Pope, we meet with no instance of the political influence of the Roman Catholic religion immediately before the Reformation.
Indeed, so complete seems to have been its insignificance, that Sir James Ware, though the most indefatigable of antiquaries, and possessed of every facility of research, could not ascertain accurately the names of bishops before this period.
For instance, ‘One Thomas was consecrated Bishop of Down and Connor. (Ann. 1456.)’
‘One Thady was advanced to these Sees. (1469.)’
‘One Richard Wolsely seems to have been Bishop. (Ann. 1502.)’
‘One Tiberius succeeded next. (1526.)’
‘One Thaddeus, a Franciscan Friar, is said to have been provided to the Bishoprick of Dromore. (1511).’
‘Lawrence O'Galchor, Bishop of Raphoe, was proceeded against for incontinence and other enormous crimes.’
‘One Donald sat in the See of Derry in 1423. I am of opinion he resigned his See, being made uneasy in it; for Archbishop Swain called him to
‘Donald was succeeded by John, against whom a citation issued for homicide and other crimes.’
These specimens are sufficient to shew that the Roman Catholic religion, like all religions left alone, was far more inclined to sink into lethargy than rise to political importance.
If the contrary were the case—if we suppose that the Catholic religion was even at this period possessed of that inimical spirit of bigotry which has been represented as incompatible with submission to any authority that it cannot influence, what must have taken place upon the event of the reformation? A great and new cause of disaffection being added to former causes of notorious activity, more frequent and more inveterate rebellions would have arisen.
But was this the case? No—quite the reverse: For it was immediately after the reformation that the Irish chieftains submitted to the English government; that the English power was acknowledged as legal, and that a degree of peace and good order took place, which had been unknown since the first invasion of the English. What then must we conclude from this fact?—what was really the state of
The truth is, that Irish rebellions and Irish submissions, had not at this period, nor until long after, any connection with religious opinions. Later historians have ascribed their own feelings to these times; and because religion made a prominent feature in the rebellions of their own days, they imagined it must have been a cause of rebellion from the first date of religious schism. But co-temporary writers never mention religion as a cause of rebellion, till a long period after the reformation: we plainly perceive to what cause they attributed the disaffection of the natives; their fears are always expressed against the Irishry, not against the Papists; they found the greatest opposition in national pride, not in religion.
We shall be more candid than our opponents; according to their mode of reasoning, we might alledge the submission of the Irish chieftains in the reign of Henry VIII. as a proof of Catholic loyalty; but neither had their rebellions nor their submissions any connection with religion. The cause of these submissions is curious. It was simply the assumption of the title of King, in place of Lord of Ireland, by Henry VIII.
The title of Lord of Ireland was not calculated to inspire the regal descendants of Milesius with
The Irish princes resisted the feudal supremacy of Henry, while neither his rank nor his force was much greater than their own; but when he assumed the title to which their feudal allegiance had always been paid, and when he asked for nothing more than feudal allegiance, they readily submitted.
Is it not then exaggeration, and extreme perverseness, to represent popish feelings as having any considerable influence at this time, when if they had, more general and more exasperated rebellions would have annihilated the insignificant force of the English? Where is that bond of union—where that identity of purpose—where that indefatigable zeal, and unmitigated hate, which we are told ever marks the conduct of Papists towards Protestants?
On the contrary, objects which were never achieved before by invasion, rapine and destruction, were now accomplished almost without an effort.
Sir Richard Cox tells us, that there was not a single chieftain who, did not acknowledge Henry's supremacy in Church, as well as State; and quotes from Sir John Davis with great naiveté, for a violent bigot, that the Irish made no difficulty in renouncing the Pope, when they had once resolved to obey the King. This involuntary testimony of an opponent is sufficient to prove that religious feelings were at this time of very secondary influence.
If the Catholic religion possessed any immunity from the sedative influence which prosperity has on all establishments—if after long habits of indifference, it could, on the first alarm, rouse the minds of its votaries to that zeal, which in general only arises from the long endurance of persecution—if it was the nature of popish feelings to produce rebellions, this would have been the time when they would have shewn their most marked influence; when the government openly opposed the claims of the Sovereign pontiff, and usurped his titles—when it dispossessed popish prelates, seized on church lands, and
Instead of this we find the Irish making every submission that the English government felt it reasonable to require; when once the civil claims between the contending parties were satisfactorily arranged, we find the religious claims thrown in (to use a vulgar phrase) as a mere whet to the bargain; we find the Irish princes, even the great O'Neil, accepting titles from the King of Ireland, which they had always despised when offered by the Lord of Ireland. Peace was for the first time universal: the French King offered his assistance to the Irish Princes in vain, and in vain excited them to revolt. The English government for once appeared in a creditable alliance with its Irish vassals—the army reduced at home, and an Irish army assisting the English King at Calais. Leland characterises the loyalty of the times as even outrageous.
When, therefore, the adversaries of the Catholics tell us that it is the nature of that religion to produce rebellions under a Protestant government; and yet we find that at the time when the whole nation were Catholics—when they were particularly uncivilized, and consequently bigoted; that an open and unprecedented attack—an unceremonious reversal of every thing held sacred, was followed no immediate commotion; and that a very
So far it is clear that in Henry the Eighth's reign, religion had no important influence in producing rebellions: yet it was not to be expected that, however lax the ancient religion might have become, it could be suddenly assailed in its fundamental tenets, without producing a revulsion in the minds of a very ignorant people. Even if a general commotion had taken place, we should by no means be justified in arguing that rebellion against the civil power was a necessary effect of Catholic dogmas. In similar circumstances any sect might fly to arms, as the Protestants under the reign of James II., but it is singular, how little resistance was made to the reformation in Ireland. This resistance was virtually confined to a single individual, Archbishop Cromer.
The great majority of the prelates and of the parliament, either favoured or made no opposition to the reformation. The general ignorance of the nation was the greatest obstacle to its progress; yet that it gained ground is evident, from the alarm felt by the See of Rome, who, thought it necessary
To suppose that no opposition would be given to a great revolution in the national religion, would be extravagant; the clergy of course were interested to oppose it. Principle, as well as habit, would influence many of the laity to oppose it: but all things considered the opposition was inconsiderable; it might have been entirely obviated by judicious management; certainly it was not conducted with that intemperance, which argues a peculiar tendency in the Catholic religion to produce a rebellion against a Protestant government.
In fact the Reformation during the reign of Henry the Eighth was conducted with very little violence towards the Catholic laity; there consequently was very little reaction from resentment or bigotry, and though late historians describe the Priests as flying from city to city to animate their flocks to rebellion, yet as we find no facts to support the assertion, we must conclude they described what they thought probable, not what really was the case.
We are now bound to shew what was the cause of the rebellion which followed the submission of the Irish princes. This cause we imagine was a clear infraction on the part of Henry, of the terms on which the submissions of the Irish were grounded;
The Irish Chieftains had acknowledged Henry the Eighth as their liege lord; but in their very indentures of submission their own prerogatives were acknowledged and remained untouched. Thus O'Sullivan, ‘suae nationis primus;’ Mac Donough, de Allow, ‘suae nationis caput.’ Donaldus O'Calaghan, ‘nationis suae primus.’
In these indentures are only reserved the usual services or tribute payable to the liege lord; these Chieftains were neither required to pay taxes, to submit to the English or perform any one duty of subjects. They retained undisputed, the privilege of making war or peace among their several nations, of raising troops, of levying taxes, and the elective succession to their petty thrones.
Under these stipulations, they freely promise to annihilate the Pope's authority, and every thing that supports it.1
So far was the English government, at that time, from assuming any right of actual sovereignty over the Irish Princes, that the legality of the appointment of Tanists (or elective successors) was tacitly acknowledged
It had, however, long been the policy of the Irish government to take every opportunity of diminishing the power of the Irish chieftains, and Henry was of too arbitrary a temper to brook the independence of these petty sovereigns. As yet, however, the English force had not been sufficiently strong to aim openly at their subjection; and therefore those artifices, which power stoops to use when it cannot compel, were adopted.
Henry, or his agents in Ireland, saw the advantage that would accrue from getting the Irish Princes to appeal to his decisions; and had an excellent excuse in their numerous and violent dissentions, which seemed to point out the necessity of an arbitrator. The Irish chieftains were aware of the snare; and said, ‘It is true we want arbitrators, but if you please, we will name them ourselves’: accordingly, we find regular arbitrators appointed, mostly bishops, but particular stress laid that the Earl of Desmond should be one; who, being in the equivocal station of a revolted English subject, possessed of all the princely prerogatives of an Irish chieftain, would be particularly on his guard against the encroachments of the English power, and the invasion of these Irish prerogatives, on which his own consequence had been entirely founded.
On these terms the Irish chieftains submitted without any scruple respecting religion. ‘But they soon resumed their arms’—it is true, but not on account of religion, but because all these terms were violated or trampled on by the English government. If we can shew this to have been the case, is it not sufficient? why multiply causes unnecessarily? why be at the pains to conjure up the Pope, where he would not naturally make his appearance?
On the contrary, Theobald de Boys was sent to Ireland as ambassador, to make a league with the Irish chieftains, and met with no success: a small Irish army attended the King at Calais; every thing remained tranquil; until when? until Sir Anthony St. Leger, (as a Protestant historian expresses it) finding the kingdom quiet, determined to keep it so.
Of those whom he suspected, he imprisoned some, and obliged others to give hostages; but these measures were calculated to produce only partial disaffection: he proceeded to another measure which was certain to excite every Irish chieftain in opposition to the English Government.
Let us hear the account of this transaction from the mouth of Sir Richard Cox himself, the apologist for every bad action performed by a Lord Deputy.
‘Sir Anthony St. Leger made it his business to break the dependancies of the Irish, and to that end upon all references to him, he took care that the weaker party might depend on the government for protection; and that he should not rely upon, or be under the subjection of any other; and particularly on the 14th of July, he made an award between O'Neil and O'Donnel, whereby O'Donnel was freed from depending on O'Neil.’
We shall not enquire whether this was good policy or not; its immediate effect must have been, to alarm and irritate the principal Irish chieftains. These, it is true, acknowledged Henry as liege Lord: but, by the same rule, they were liege Lords themselves in their own kingdoms, and had each their dependent princes, over whom their power was much greater than that of the King of England over them. They drew their revenues principally from the chieftains dependant on them, and therefore they could not see, without great jealousy, a system adopted by the English government which aimed directly at the diminution of their power, and the impoverishment of their treasures.
The system was itself unjust; it was exactly the same as if Buonaparte, immediately after a solemn treaty of peace, was to declare Hanover independent of the King of England
It was also perfidious, because it had been expressly provided in the indentures of submission,
We repeat again, that we are not considering the policy of the measure; it is sufficient for our argument that it would appear most unjust and vexatious to the most powerful of the Irish chieftains; and, therefore, that the rebellion which followed was attributable to this circumstance, and not to religion; for, we read immediately after, that, ‘now the spirit of rebellion had again seized the Irish, and O'Neal, (the victim of the Lord Deputy's policy) O'Donnel, O'Doherty, and O'Callock, made overtures to the French King.’
This appears to be a clear and sufficient reason for the disturbances in Ireland at the end of Henry the Eighth's reign; we are at least informed of no other; nor should we hesitate to adopt it, because it has been overlooked and disregarded by historians of later times; for their heads were so occupied with religious animosity, that they referred every effect to that cause, whether it had any relation to it or not.