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This account was first brought to our notice by Dr C.J. Woods, formerly of the RIA.
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Created: By Gédéon Bonnivert (16511703) a Williamite soldier. Date range: 19 June to 13 July 1690.
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Among the published material it is difficult to find detailed accounts of the Jacobite War. Works like Dumont de Bostaquet's Mémoires inédits, Berwick's Mémoires, Schomberg's Diary, the Journal of Mullenaux, and Parker's Memoirs, give on the whole scanty detail. The signal exception to this statement is the remarkably important Journal of John Stevens, which has been published by the Clarendon Press. The few unpublished records resemble the published, in the lack of precise information. Thus Ensign Cramond's Diary (Add. 29878, Brit. Mus.) gives no details of importance. It has no title, but begins The Route of Colonel Wauchope's Regiment beginning the 15th of October, 1688. Cramond served in the Low Countries and in Ireland from 1688 to 1691, but was clearly a man of action and nothing else. His diary follows immediately after the details of the number of miles marched each day; and at the end of the slim volume there are money accounts. There are thirty-seven written leaves in it, besides almost the same number that are blank. Bonnivert's Journal (1033, Sloane MSS., Brit. Mus.) is somewhat more satisfactory, though it is also deficient in detail. It occupies only twelve written leaves, besides one leaf of drawings and two of medical receipts. It has no title. Both these diaries were obviously kept in the pockets of their owners. Cramond's diary measures 6 1/4 x 3 inches, and Bonnivert's 5 7/8 x 3 1/2 inches.
Gédéon Bonnivert was the son of Paschall and Judith Bonnivert of Sedan, in Champagne.1 He was probably a Huguenot, and on the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 he succeeded in coming to England. Some of his papers, in prose and verse, are preserved in the British Museum. It is evident that he was an enthusiastic scientist. Among the Sloane manuscripts there are a treatise on the elements of geometry and fortification, with
The letters, preserved in MSS. 4036, 4039, and 4058, he wrote show how great was his love of botany. Unlike the people of his day, he cared much for the beauties of nature, though this feeling is seldom to be noticed in English literature till the days of Thomas Gray. Spenser and Shakespeare are not the poets of outward nature in the sense that Wordsworth is. Both Jonson and Fletcher have written much that is beautiful in the way of nature-poetry, and in this connexion Milton cannot be forgotten. William Browne, the Puritan Wither, Robert Herrick, Andrew Marvell, and Sir John Denham sing of brooks, of blossoms, birds and bowers. Speaking of Thomson, Wordsworth says that it is remarkable that, excepting the Nocturnal Reverie of Lady Winchelsea, and a passage or two in the Windsor Forest of Pope, the poetry of the period between the publication of the Paradise Lost and the Seasons does not contain a single new image of external nature, and scarcely presents a familiar one from which it can be inferred that the eye of the poet had been steadily fixed upon his object, much less that his feelings had urged him to work upon it in the spirit of genuine imagination.
Bonnivert was an eager botanist, as well as a lover of nature. To an unknown correspondent he writes: I must own the plant which did so long puzzle me is Gramen Parnassi; but who the devil is the man that knows no more simples than I, (how) could (he) have looked for that plant amongst the Gramina.2 This illegibly dated letter gives an interesting account of his botanical rambles in Oxfordshire. As a soldier he marched from place to place; and in the course of his walks about Dorchester he found rare plants.
A letter of June 24, 1703, records his transfer to Cork.7 In it he urges his friend Dr. Sloane to be so kind as to go to my Lord Dorset to whom I write to-night about this matter, and press him to go immediately to the Queen and get that post for me, for fear any other goes before. Nobody hardly knows of it but I and another. Don't mention nothing to my Coll. of it by reason he hath so many hangers about him it would spoil all. I leave to your discretion and often-tried friendship to manage the matter. On August 3, 1703, he again writes from Cork to Sloane, but there is no reference to the post he sought.8 He mentions the fact that the Duke of Ormonde was very civil to him. He observes a curious piece of architecture in Limerick, speaks of the silver mines there, and finds a pretty geranium growing on the walls of that city. He also talks of the Giant's Steps about six miles from Cork,9 and alludes to his probable departure for Portugal. From his letter to Sloane on September 29, 1703, his destination was changed to Limerick, and in it he discusses his father-in-law's business affairs.10
One point in the diary calls for comment. According to Bonnivert the bad weather caused the raising of the first siege of Limerick. On the other hand, the Duke of Berwick writes, I can affirm that not a single drop of rain fell for above a month before or for three weeks after.11 Thus, according to
The Duke of Berwick's statement is flatly contradicted by John Stevens, who was a Jacobite officer serving in the besieged town. On the 29th of August he writes: The night was extreme cold, dark and rainy.12 The 3rd of September was appointed a general day of review for the garrison in the King's Island, but the weather proving extreme foul, it was put off.13 The entry of the 29th shows in what sense he uses the word foul, for there he writes that the weather began to grow foul with extreme rain. Story records that a storm of rain and other bad weather began to threaten us, which fell out on Friday the 29th in good earnest, upon which his Majesty calling a Council of War, it was concluded the safest way was to quit the siege.14 Dumont de Bostaquet, an eye-witness Like Story, says that before the siege was raised, because la pluie avoit tombé en telle abondance que je ne doutai pas que j'aurois de la peine a la passer or du moins au retour15 from one side of the Shannon to the other. Captain Maupas informed Dumont son guide craignoit que la rivière ne grossît et qu'elle ne fût plus guéable. ... La pluie continuant violemment nous fit une peine extrême, le terrain étoit gras, les chevaux ne pouvoient tenir pied, et les cavaliers aimoient mieux être à cheval que pied à terre: la pluie continua toute la journée.16 In the Clarke correspondence17 occurs the significant statement:
Williamite and Jacobite authorities agree that rain fell. The question that now awaits an answer is, why did Berwick state the contrary? He was so young that he gained no honour at the siege. Moreover, he was jealous of Sarsfield; and had he emphasized the fact that rain had fallen, it would have dimmed the glory of his rival. Berwick married Sarsfield's widow, and his Memoirs attest his devotion to her. Perhaps his love of his wife made him resolve that he would not lower the reputation of her first husband. For there is little doubt that the importance of the capture and destruction of the cannon at Ballyneety has been exaggerated; it is the only outstanding exploit on the Jacobite side.
The perplexing problem then occurs that a person who from the nature of the case must have known the truth does not tell it, even though it favours him. It is not, however, without parallel. When Napoleon occupied Moscow it was burnt. The Governor of Moscow, Count Rostopchin, at the time boasted that he had fired the town. Many years afterwards, when an exile from Russia, he denied that he had ordered the conflagration. Which is to be believed, his early affirmation or his subsequent denial?
I came out of London the 6th of June, 1690, and lay at St. Alban's. We were to guard five carriages loaded with 250 thousand pounds for the pay of the army m Ireland.
Saturday the 7th we went to Newport Pagnell, where a troop of dragoons relieved us. We tarried there till Monday following, then we went to Daventry. Tuesday we went to Coissell. Wednesday to Stafford the party went, but I left 'em by the way and went to meet a friend of mine at Lichfield. About four miles this side of Cosswell there is a stone bridge full of the plant called maiden hair.
Thursday I met the party at Nantwich. Within three miles of that place is a very fine house belonging to Sir Thomas Delf, with a very fine pool full of all wild fowls. You may take notice of a carp that was taken there three quarters of a yard and odd inches long, which is set up as a weather cock at the top of the house Friday we came to Chester, the chief town of
Sir (John) Morgan19 is now Governor of that place. The two main streets of Chester have covered walks where you may walk at the hottest sun free from heat, and in wet weather sheltered from rain; their shops are underneath these walks.20 Round about the walls of the city you may walk upon large stones, and have a prospect of the town and country. Hoylake is the sea port, and has but two houses beside the King's store house. We stayed there from Monday in the evening (of) the 16th, till Tuesday at eight in the morning, then we embarked our horses, and us selves, we hoisted our sail about three in the afternoon, with the tide, but with a contrary wind, which made us ply to and fro all that day. About ten in the night no wind stirring we cast anchor till two in the morning.
All the day after we had no wind, and our ship was only carried by the tide.
Thursday we fished most of the day, and took a great many gurnets and whitings, the sea being in a great calm. That day we left Cumberland behind us, and endeavoured to reach the Isle of Man, but could not. In the night time, the wind arising, and pretty favourable for our voyage, we left the Isle of Man at our left hand, and we discovered the coasts of Scotland at our right hand, which they call Galloway; and Friday being the 19th, we came between three islands and a town called Donaghadee, which is a market town, and seems a pretty good one. We left it at our right, and Copeland Islands at our left. We saw after that, at our left, the village called Bangor, which is but a small one, but very fit for vessels to come to the very sides of it; both sides are very rocky. That small village is famous for Duke Schomberg landing there with the forces under his command.21 Upon your right you
The town is a sea port. There is in it the king's custom house, and you see hard by it a very long stone bridge, which is not yet finished. The town is compassed round about it with hills. The people very civil, and there is also a great house belonging to my Lord Donegal,24 Lord Chief Justice, with very fine gardens, and groves of ash trees. The inhabitants speak very good English. We stayed there two days and three nights, and we went from thence on Tuesday, being the 23rd of June, to Lisburn, where there is a great house and good gardens belonging now to my Lady Mulgrave;25 it was left her with the whole estate, which amounts to £14,000 per annum, by my Lord Conway; the house is out of repair. There is a market kept there on that day.
Wednesday, the 24th, we set forth betimes in the morning, resolving to join our army, which was then encamped at Loughbickland. We passed by Hillsborough, a great house belonging to the king, standing on a hill on the lefthand of the road, and from thence we went to Dromore, hard by that place is the Bishop's house. The success answered our expectation, though we had a very hard and troublesome day's work. At our arrival our friends shewed joy in their faces to see us come amongst them, and each of us went to his respective tent.
Thursday, the 26th of June, we marched at two of the clock in the morning, and went over the high hills to Newry. It is not to be imagined how strong naturally many passages are that way; and besides that, many strong though small forts made by King James, which made me admire many
Saturday, the 28th, we were taken fifteen men out of each squadron to go with a detachment of 1,200 to Ardagh,28 where we heard the late King's army was; the rest of our army stayed behind till the Sunday following. Just as we came within sight of the town, we saw the dust rise like a cloud upon the highway beyond it. It was the enemy's arrière garde scouring away with all speed. Some dragoons were detached to follow them, who brought back two or three prisoners and many heads of cattle. We encamped this side of the town the Saturday, and the Sunday after our army coming to us we marched on the other side of the river, where we encamped by a corn-field by a small ruined village. The town of Ardagh is seated in a very pleasant soil, and has
Next morning we were up at two of the clock, and we marched to gain a passage two miles of about five in the morning. The passage was a very steep hill, and a shallow river at the bottom that leaded into a very fine plain.30 As we came there we found a party of the enemy with four or five pieces of artillery ready to receive us;31 but that did not daunt our men; they went down briskly, notwithstanding their continual fire upon us. The Grenadiers and Dragoons were first of the other side, and we soon followed them; but the enemy made haste away with their cannon. We drew up in battle as we came in the plain, and marched directly towards the place
Thursday being the 3rd of July, we came near a fine house belonging to a papist where we encamped, and where I fell sick of a violent fever and an extreme fit of the gout in the same time. I was sent to Dublin, where I stayed till Saturday, the 12th, that I went in the company of the adjutant-general of the Danish forces to rejoin our army. That day I went to Kilcullen-bridge, sixteen long miles from Dublin. I passed through the Naas, a good, big borough. At Kilcullen-bridge, I found our army encamped, and there we stayed one night, and the next day we marched but eight mile. There, my sickness continuing, or indeed rather increasing, I was forced to go to Castledermot; it has been the seat of some of the kings of Leinster, but now is a poor beggarly town, though in a very pretty plain. Eight miles beyond it upon the highway is the burying place of the kings of Leinster, and there you may see the vaults still full of bones, and some old inscriptions upon large stones.33 Our army went before Waterford and, after the town was surrendered, the king went to lay the siege before Limerick, whilst General Douglas34 was gone to