Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition

The journal of John Stevens, containing a brief account of the war in Ireland, 1689–1691 (Author: John Stevens)

book 2

The second part of the Journal

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Quien se muda, Dios le ayuda. God helps him that changes, saith the Spanish proverb. It hath not been my fortune to verify this saying, for though I have changed from a civil to a military life, my fortune hitherto hath been retrograde and gone in diminution. Yet no man has more reason to bless and praise the infinite goodness of God, who has brought me safe out of all dangers, and preserved me in entire health in all the hardships I have gone through. This I look upon to be Melioris tessera fati, and hope God has reserved me for some better fate that I may see my sovereign victorious and partake of the fruits of peace, as I have borne my part in the calamities of war, and that such as shall see me happy and peruse this compendium of my sorrows may say, Dulcia quam meruit, qui tam gustavit amara.

Having received my commission I made all the haste my want would admit of to go to the regiment, and being furnished with a good horse by Major Price, I set out from Dublin on Tuesday the 20th of August, and went that night to Drogheda where the regiment was then in quarters. Here I continued some days, and hoping to return soon into England, where I had left a collection of my former travels and in it some description of this town, I forbore to {ms folio 60b} take any notes, and shall only add that it is twenty miles from Dublin. There happened nothing remarkable, nor did we stir till Thursday, September the 5th, when we marched out and encamped, many regiments in number but most very weak, on the south side the town. We spent several days here exercising and furnishing the men with what necessaries the time would allow of. The army daily increased in numbers,

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Saturday the 14th:¹⁰⁰ advice being given that the rebels

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Sunday the 15th: detachments were drawn out to fetch wood and straw, and the rest of the day spent in building the huts. The post of our regiment was the left of the second line, there being but three elder regiments in the {ms folio 61a} field. About midnight the alarm beat furiously, the whole army was under arms very readily, and having continued so a while returned, it being a false alarm given on purpose to try how quick the men could be drawn up in case of any surprise.

Monday the 16th: His Majesty in person with a great body of horse marched to discover the enemy's motion, and, finding they kept close having met no opposition upon the way, sent orders for the army to march,¹⁰¹ which was not done till the next day, being

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Tuesday the 17th: when the whole army decamped, and, the ground taken up to encamp being bare of trees, every soldier was obliged to carry some of the wood for building of their huts, which, notwithstanding, many would drop by the way rather than carry so far, though afterwards they found the want of it, being forced to lie that night without shelter, and the next day to go far for wood. This day's march was about six miles, the king's quarters at a village near Fane Bridge, where His Majesty lay in a little thatched cabin, there being never a better house near. The whole army encamped in two lines along the fields on the left of the village as far as Allardstown Bridge,¹⁰² having the river before them for a defence, and our outguards upon the passes. This is about four miles from Dundalk, on all sides a pleasant and fruitful country, though not so beautified with good fences as it deserves or is usual in England. Here we lay still and nothing remarkable happened till

Saturday the 21st: by break of day the whole army {ms folio 61b} was drawn out and marched in two columns, the one over Fane,¹⁰³

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Friday the 27th: the rebels fired all their great {ms folio 62a} guns three times and several volleys of small shot, which they performed with incomparable exactness not one shot falling out of time. This we were informed was for joy of some advantage gained by the rebels at Sligo, which they represented as very considerable to keep up the hearts of their

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Saturday the 28th: passed without anything of note, and Sunday the 29th was only remarkable for a most violent storm of wind and rain, which lasted the whole day but ceased at night. The next day proved fair, and very cold with a northerly wind. The three days following warmer but very wet.

Friday and Saturday, the 4th and 5th of October: the weather was more favourable. The first of these days was sent out a detachment towards the mountains, the design as was said to rescue some prisoners that were kept under a slight guard at Carlingford. They returned the day following without effecting anything, the enterprise being discovered to the enemy, of whom meeting some small party in the mountains they had killed fourteen without any loss on our side. This last night also orders were given to march at break of day. Whilst the army continued encamped in this place it suffered no want of anything that was necessary. There was plenty of forage for the horse, besides what was destroyed to endamage the enemy, which was a great quantity that lay close under their camp, and which they never made any attempt to defend, though our parties burnt it in open day to see to draw them out. {ms folio 62b} The country abounded with straw and corn which served both to lie upon and cover our huts wherewith we supplied the want of tents, there being very few in the army, and even such as had them made huts as being both warmer, and drier. The army was punctually paid, and the brass money passed as current and was of equal value with silver,¹⁰⁷ which made the camp so plentiful of

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Sunday the 6th: at break of day we fired all {ms folio 63a} the huts, and the wind blowing the same way we were to march carried such a cloud of smoke along with it, the thickness of the weather keeping it down, that it blinded us for a considerable space, and thereby several battalions were put into such disorder that it appeared more like a flight than the retreat of an army that had laid so long to brave its enemies, and had they been near enough to make use of the opportunity they had with little danger put us into a great consternation. Had the rebels but stirred the least in order to molest us upon our march, there happened another accident which might have been of a very fatal consequence, and this was that not only the foot but all the horse and dragoons were marched above two miles, leaving behind not only His Majesty's baggage but his person in his quarters with only, his troop of guards, notwithstanding some regiments of horse and dragoons had been ordered to attend him, who nevertheless marched away after the rest till General Rosen himself came up and caused the whole army to halt and face about. His Majesty being come up we continued our march to Ardee, where we encamped on the north side of the river having the town on our left. In this encampment our lines were not very regular by reason of the ill disposition of the ground.

Monday the 7th: we continued in the same place. At

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Tuesday the 18th: the aforesaid brigade marched to [...] upon a high ground about three miles from Ardee, on the right of all the army and towards the seaside upon the road that goes from Dundalk to Drogheda. Here we encamped, and the Earl of Clanricarde's¹¹¹ and Cormuck O'Neill's regiments of foot joined us; the latter consisted of two battalions, and on the left we had the Lord Dungan's Dragoons. All the horse were quartered in the neighbouring villages and country houses. Many days we lay here without any manner of action, the enemy keeping close in their quarters notwithstanding our horse drew daily near to provoke them. The extremity of the weather brought many inconveniences and bred much sickness in our camp. For the most part the rains were so violent that neither huts nor tents could keep out the water, and the earth was so soaked that we were not only wet in the

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Tuesday the 29th: a strong party of the enemy marched as far as one of our advanced posts, which was at Tallantstown, a house of the Earl of Louth's¹¹³ with a court before it encompassed with a stone wall, whither were sent from the army weekly a captain, two lieutenants, and an ensign with sixty men, whereof twenty with an officer were detached to a bridge about a furlong from the house, where was an old mill

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Saturday the 2nd of October: I was commanded to the advanced guard at Tallantstown, with a captain of Colonel Butler of Kilcash's Regiment,¹¹⁴ a lieutenant of the same, an ensign of ours, and sixty men. Having relieved the guard, and sent the lieutenant with twenty men as usual to the bridge, about midnight we were alarmed by a shot from the said bridge, and stood at arms about the wall all night but saw none of the enemy. This night also came to us a lieutenant with twenty men with orders to relieve us, the army being to decamp the next morning. His orders were for us to march immediately, but by reason of the alarm it was deferred till morning.

Sunday the 3rd: at break of day we marched in good order, and with lighted matches some part of the way, lest any of the enemy, having passed the house by night, might be in the way, but we met none and coming to the camp found the army was {ms folio 65a} marched, whom we followed with speed towards Drogheda. The captain that commanded the detachment being well mounted left us ordering every man to make the

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Monday the 4th: I took my way along the hills and came about noon to Drogheda. The great rains had made the ways almost impassable, the horse road which is most old causeway being broken up and quite out of repair, and the footway in the fields very boggy with abundance of ditches at that time full of water. It was extreme tiresome to me marching afoot, but to avoid the inconveniences and toils of the camp at such an unseasonable time of the year all things appeared more easy. In Drogheda we continued till

Thursday the 14th, when the Grand Prior's Regiment {ms folio 65b} being appointed to quarter in Dublin, we marched and, within a mile of Ballough dividing the regiment for conveniency of quarters, one part went on to Ballough and the other, in which I was, struck off to the left towards the sea to the town of Lusk, where we had very good quarters.

Friday the 15th: the regiment joined again on the road, and marched without any considerable halt to Dublin, each day's march being ten miles. Our quarters were assigned us in the college,¹¹⁵ where the scholars being turned out another

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Our intelligence in England for a long time seemed to carry a favourable aspect, some little vessels running often from Dublin to the coast which, returning always safe, filled us with the news of the good disposition of affairs there towards His Majesty's service. But neither in this particular was there used that secrecy and caution that became a business of that consequence. It was not enough that every one knew when a vessel was to sail for England, but that at her return the common discourse of the town was what business she went upon and what success she had met with, who managed the intelligence on the other side, to whom commission was given to dispose and provide men, what number of men were in readiness, where and in what manner horses and arms were

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{ms folio 71a}In the spring arrived at Cork the French fleet, bringing besides wheat and ammunition eight battalions of foot well clothed, armed, and disciplined, in return whereof they received a like number of unarmed, ragged, and inexperienced men.¹²⁵ These forces being landed and well refreshed at Cork and all about the country, by easy marches came to Dublin to the great satisfaction of all good men, and no less vexation of the rebellious party. These men raised a great expectation of themselves in every one's thoughts, and not without reason, they being the very flower of the foot of the army. M. de Lauzun had the command of them;¹²⁶ they brought twelve

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Money, like blood in the body of man, ought to have its circulation, and passing from one hand to another be as it were in a continual motion, from the subject to the king, from the king to the soldier, from the soldier to the tradesman, from the tradesman to the merchant, from the merchant to the countryman, from the countryman to the gentleman, and from every one again to the king. The distempers that the kingdom laboured under had stopped this circulation in such manner that though it continued its course in some measure through the body of the people, the recourse to the king, the head, was almost quite diverted. All the branches of His Majesty's revenue were so sunk that the receipt scarce turned to any account, and a subsidy granted when the parliament

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Summer drawing on the preparations for the campaign began to be hastened, and the war which the winter seemed to have lulled asleep being awakened, every man was employed in furnishing himself for the field.¹²⁷ Every regiment

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Monday, May the 19th, 1690: the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment,¹³⁰ having the day before received what clothes, and

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Tuesday the 20th: about five of the clock in the morning I returned to the regiment and found them ready to march. It was ordered that neither officer nor soldier should quit the ranks which was no small fatigue, the weather being hot and the road excessive dusty to that degree that we were almost stifled and blinded, and so covered with dust that we scarce knew ourselves, all which fell most grievously upon such as marched afoot, whereof I was one. From Swords to Ballough is four miles, thence to Balrothery two, both of them poor villages, these last two miles of the longest I have seen. Hence to Gormanstown three miles, not worthy the name of a town, but at best only a tolerable village, most remarkable for giving title to a lord, who has a good house in the place, but poorly provided at that time, as some of our officers {ms folio 74b} found by experience, who went to it only to get any sort of drink, there being then none to be had for money. Here we made a halt for about two hours, but found no refreshment, but what we brought with us unless the cool air and grass. Hence

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Saturday the 24th: a detachment of His Majesty's Horse Guards, then two battalions of the foot guards, then the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, and, to close up the rear, a troop of the Lord Dungan's Dragoons; in this manner we marched about three or four miles to Mellifont, as to the village very inconsiderable. But what makes the place anything known is a large but now much decayed house in a bottom enclosed with wooded hills and a very fair park, all of the estate of the infamous Earl of Drogheda, infamous both as a rebel and notorious coward.¹³⁴ On a ridge of hills to the northward of this place we encamped the horse and foot guards on the left, it being next to the general's quarters, the Grand Prior and two troops of Colonel Sutherland's Horse¹³⁵ on the right, leaving in the centre a large interval for other regiments to encamp.

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Sunday the 25th: Colonel M'Ellicott's Regiment encamped on the left of us.¹³⁶ They marched in about 550 strong, besides officers and sergeants, very well armed and clothed.

{ms folio 75b}Monday the 26th: in the morning the Earl of Tyrone's Regiment joined us, and encamped on the right of the guards, about 500 and odd strong. Soon after them came up Colonel Parker's Regiment of Horse, consisting of eight troops in all, 300 men complete; they marched through, and took their ground about a quarter of a mile from the head of our line. A troop of the Lord Dungan's Dragoons marched in with this last regiment, but neither these nor those before mentioned encamped with us. These two days we had very foul weather, towards evening it cleared a little.

Tuesday the 27th: though the weather was extreme foul with a continual violent rain all the foot were drawn out and kept at arms all day only to satisfy the impertinent curiosity of some ladies, who appeared in a coach towards evening, and whom we were commanded to receive with the same respects as are used to be paid to the king, though there were few there who did not curse them in their hearts and even some with loud voices. For although we were obliged to obey our

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{ms folio 76a} Wednesday the 28th: the general beat at three, all the line was at arms at four, and began at five to march off from the left. First the horse guards, then two troops of Colonel Sutherland's, next the two battalions of foot guards and other regiments successively, and lastly the Lord Grand Prior's; after them followed the ammunition and baggage and Colonel Parker's Horse, which doubtless was designed to close the rear, but on the sudden without much order they marched off and left us. The country here is very open, the first mile and half a broad road between cornfields, then a common above a mile over very thick of fern, thence to Ardee about four miles. We marched through three miles farther and encamped at night between Stormanstown and Cookstown, both little more than the ruins of two gentlemen's houses. The line was extended near a mile in length, the guards taking the right, the Lord Grand Prior the left, the rest in the centre being in all but six battalions, leaving intervals for such battalions as were designed to fill up the line. The horse guards held the right and Colonel Parker's Horse the left, the Lord Dungan's Dragoons on the right of the guards. The line lay along the side of a pleasant hill, all the fields about full of grass, but very little corn.

Thursday the 29th: joined us eight complete troops of Quarter-Master General Maxwell's Regiment of Dragoons, being 400 men well armed and mounted. They encamped on the left of Parker's Horse.

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Friday the 30th: the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of Foot¹³⁷ encamped on the right next the Grand Prior's, their muster-rolls and computation amounted to near 800, but after a diligent search and inquiry I could not find above 550 private men.

Saturday the 31st: in the morning two women were {ms folio 76b} hanged as spies by order of Major-General Léry,¹³⁸ the commander-in-chief. In the afternoon the Earl of Westmeath's Regiment¹³⁹ about 550 strong encamped on the right of Antrim. These two days' provisions of all sorts were very scarce and

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Sunday the 1st of June: nothing of note.

Monday the 2nd: a party of horse and dragoons sent out returned at night, having marched about nine miles and scarce seen any human creature but an old woman dying for want in the church at Carrickmacross, and two men on the road by whom they understood there was no body of the enemy near.

Friday the 6th: the Earl of Louth's Regiment¹⁴⁰ came up

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Sunday the 8th: a party of horse and dragoons under the command of Brigadier Maxwell returned, having been within two or three miles of Armagh, and hardly seen any living creature all the way. Four deserters came to us from the enemy.

Monday the 9th: four troops of Brigadier Maxwell's dragoons that were behind joined the regiment, making up twelve complete troops and near 600 men well accoutred and disciplined.

Tuesday the 10th: the camp was alarmed by a report of some body of the enemy being seen between us and Dundalk. The horse and dragoon pickets mounted, horses were taken from grass, and some parties {ms folio 77a} went out, but it proved a very groundless alarm.

Wednesday the 11th: two of Sir Michael Creagh's men,¹⁴¹ being taken six or seven miles from the camp, were shot as deserters. The weather till now having continued very cold, wet, and raw, became on a sudden extreme hot.

Thursday, Friday, and Saturday nothing of note but that this last day being appointed a general muster; there being but one commissary of the foot only the two battalions of guards mustered.

Sunday the 15th all the other foot regiments mustered beginning from the right. The Earl of Clare's Regiment of Foot joined the army.

Tuesday the 17th: the general beat between two and three o'clock in the morning, about an hour after, the troop, with orders to decamp, the army marched off from the right towards Dundalk. First to Tallantstown Bridge near which

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Wednesday the 18th: the Duke of Tyrconnel's and Lord Galmoy's¹⁴³ Regiments of Horse came into the field, and encamped, the first on the right, the other on the left of the first line.

Thursday the 19th: the general beat at three, all the foot were at arms between five and six. About an hour after, the Earls of Westmeath and Antrim's Regiments marched and took the left of the Lord Grand Prior's, then the three regiments marched about half a mile towards Newry road, where we halted in the fields, and heard mass after which was an alarm. All the horse and dragoons mounted, the {ms folio 78a} foot guards had before marched down and were posted at a distance on the right, now the horse and dragoons advanced. Several parties were sent out to the Four-mile Bridge, but it proving a false alarm, the horse and dragoons soon returned to the camp, but the foot continued at arms in the fields till nine o'clock at night.

Friday the 20th: the French and other regiments coming up, the whole army decamped, the first line pitching their tents on the top of the hill, which before were not so regular along the sides of it, and stretched out the line a considerable space on the left. The second line also moved, several regiments being removed from the first into the second.

Saturday the 21st: a strong detachment of firelocks was sent out to a castle on the Newry road. At night 200 chosen men out of five regiments, being 40 of each, were sent to lie

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Sunday the 22nd: a party of horse under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Dempsey,¹⁴⁴ advancing towards Newry, fell into a body of the enemy and, being overpowered, retreated; till coming to the above said detachment of 200 foot under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel FitzGerald¹⁴⁵ and finding them receive the enemy vigorously, they rallied. The rebels made no great resistance, our foot firing hotly, but fled towards Newry, the horse pursuing them a considerable space. Of the rebels above sixty were killed, of ours a few wounded and fewer killed, among which was Lieutenant-Colonel Laurence Dempsey, shot through the {ms folio 78b} shoulder whereof he died. I was not present at this action but had the account from some who were. This day was taken one who received pay as sergeant in our regiment, deserting to the enemy and hanged at the head of the battalion. Three others who together with the former, being all Scotchmen, had served in Dumbarton's Regiment¹⁴⁶ and made their escape from Flanders into France

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Monday the 23rd: the whole army prepared to march early in the morning, and moved about noon. Men were detached from each regiment to receive salt meat and bread at the stores at Dundalk, but it being known the king designed to abandon that place, the soldiers in a disorderly manner fell to plundering the stores, which caused no small confusion, every one there laying hold of what he could, and running a several way. We marched back about nine miles in such manner as looked more like a flight than deliberate retreat, and encamped on the north side of Ardee.

Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday nothing of note happened, but we continued in the same place and spent the two last days in exercise, and teaching the men to fire, which many of them had never been accustomed to before.

{ms folio 79a}Friday the 27th: we decamped and leaving Ardee on the right marched about five miles and encamped. This place fared no better than Dundalk, being plundered by our own men and left almost desolate. Before the Rebellion it was an indifferent good town, but most of the inhabitants fled from their homes and allegiance, and the rest either dead or left worth nothing. Here we understood the enemy was advancing.

Saturday the 28th: we marched again about five miles and encamped within three of Drogheda, near a small village, along cornfields, gardens, and meadows, the river Boyne in the rear. This night no word was given, but about midnight in great hurry ammunition delivered out, then orders to take down all tents and send away the baggage. This done the whole army drew out without beat of drum and stood at their arms the whole night, expecting the approach of the enemy.

Sunday the 29th: about break of day no enemy appearing, the army began to march in two columns, the one through

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Monday the 30th: early in the morning the enemy appeared on the tops of the hills beyond the river, some of the poor country people flying before them. They marched down and spread themselves along the sides of the hills where they encamped, but so as we could not discover them all, a great part being covered by the higher grounds. Part of our cannon was carried down and planted on the pass or ford, which from thence played upon some regiments of theirs, and did some but not considerable execution. After noon they began to play upon us with their cannon and some mortars, but no considerable damage was received on either side.

Tuesday the 1st of July: very early the tents were thrown down, the baggage sent away, but the soldiers ordered to carry their tents, some of which were afterwards together with their snapsacks laid in heaps in the fields with some

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{ms folio 84b} Wednesday the 2nd: at break of day those few drums there were beat as formally as if we had been a considerable body, but it was only mere form and we scarce the shadows of regiments, the bodies being dispersed and gone. What was left in dismal manner marched as far as Dublin, where when each commanding officer came to view his strength, shame of marching in such case through the city we not long before had filled with expectation of our actions and hopes of gathering part of the scattered herd caused us to halt in the fields without the town. The colours of each regiment being fixed on eminences that all stragglers might know whither to repair, in the space of near three hours each regiment had gathered a small number, the Grand Prior's as one of the most considerable being then 100 strong. Thus we marched through the skirts of the city, passing over the river at the Bloody Bridge, which is the farthest off in the suburbs, being now only the remains of four regiments, the others being either quite

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Thursday the 3rd: we were roused out of a dead sleep, proceeding from excessive weariness not from the easiness of the beds which were no other than the planks, at break of day by a great number of dragoons and others riding through the town as fast as their horses could carry them, and crying the enemy was within a mile of them. Being awaked and our lodging nothing pleasant we set out on our lame horse and having travelled five or six miles {ms folio 85b} were overtaken by the Duke of Tyrconnel ¹⁵⁹ and his family, some whereof challenged

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Friday the 4th: meeting a servant to one of our lieutenants I borrowed a horse he had, and pressed or forced away another about a mile from our quarters, but without saddle or bridle, which was very uneasy, but anything more tolerable than going afoot, and thus mounted we got about noon to Kilkenny, which is sixteen miles.¹⁶² To do justice I restored the horse to his owner before entering the town, contrary to the advice of all present, but as it was unjust to detain the horse without any other pretension but force so it was inhuman to do it after the poor man had followed sixteen miles afoot upon my promise of restitution. Nor was the manner of taking the horse unpleasant, for at least twenty of the poor people flocking to his defence with several weapons. I frighted away and kept them all oft by presenting a matchlock I had taken from the lieutenant's man, though without powder, ball, or so much as a match. All the shops and public-houses in the town were shut, and neither meat nor drink to be had though many were fainting through want and weariness. Hunger and thirst put me forward to seek relief, where nothing but necessity could have carried me, but the invincible power of want hides all blushes, so hearing the stores at the castle were broken up and much bread and drink given out, I resolved to try my

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Saturday the 5th: on our march we passed by Clonamicklon, a house of the Lord Ikerrin¹⁶³ about a mile from Kilcooly, and rested five miles farther at Killenaule, a small poor village on the mountain, whence we travelled to Cashel which is six miles. It is an archbishopric and the metropolitan see of Munster, and one of the ancientest in the kingdom. The cathedral seems not so beautiful as ancient and stands like a castle on the top of a rocky hill out of town, I thought it not worth time to go up to see it, being satisfied with the outward appearance. All manner of refreshment was hard to be had here but necessity overcame all difficulties. Hence we travelled five miles to a gentleman's house upon the road, where was plenty of all provisions. Some few of our stray officers, being got in before, endeavoured to make good the house against us, the confusion of the time which ought {ms folio 87a} the more to have endeared us to each other, being fellow sufferers in the same cause, making some men rather inhuman and barbarous to those they should relieve and support. Insomuch that one who was within the house would not admit his own brother who came with me to the gate, and where such near ties of blood could not prevail, it is not to be thought our being fellow officers in the same regiment could have any influence. Fair means being of no effect, necessity obliged us to use violence, and with much difficulty we forced our way into the house, where was such plenty as might have contented an entire regiment, much more about a dozen that we were in all, and yet those few first possessors thought all too little for themselves.

Sunday the 6th: we travelled four miles to Cullen a small town, where we heard mass the church being then in the possession of the Catholics. Hence is seven miles to Cahirconlish, a small village, where was assembled a great number of the country people armed with roperies to receive the Duke

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Wednesday the 9th: orders were given to all officers to endeavour to gather the remains of their regiments, and to ours in {ms folio 87b} particular to march four miles to the westward of Limerick ¹⁶⁴ to a village called Carrigogunnell and the adjacent places, there to quarter till the rest of our dispersion came up and we received fresh orders. The most remarkable thing in this march was that the number of officers exceeded that of the private men, and yet not one-half of the former were present. These quarters proved very refreshing after our long fatigue, the people being generally very kind, as some thought partly for love, but in my opinion most through fear. For most certain it is few are fond of such guests as soldiers are upon free quarter, especially such as ours were ravenous and unruly, but it is the wisest course to make a virtue of necessity, and offer that freely which otherwise would be extorted forcibly. We had here plenty of meat and barley

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Saturday the 12th: in pursuance of the orders received the night before, we rendezvoused at the head-quarters to the number of about 150 men, some with arms fixed, others unfixed, and others without any arms. Thus we marched to Limerick, and halted there a considerable time without the town, to receive bread, where about fifty more joined us. Hence we marched three miles to the eastward of the city and encamped in a plain on the left of the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, which here made two small battalions not equal to

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Sunday the 13th was spent in building huts, it being too late the night before and all our tents lost the unfortunate day at the Boyne, as was most of the baggage of the army. The tents were most thrown about the fields or left in heaps with the soldiers' snapsacks before the rout. The officers' baggage was all sent away with a guard towards Dublin before we marched, but upon the defeat much plundered by those who were appointed to preserve it, and most of what they left ransacked by our own dragoons, and even by some of our officers who being well mounted were swiftest to overtake it. As afterwards appeared by many who were discovered and convicted of the fact, and, among others for an instance, our captain-lieutenant was found wearing the clothes and linen of a considerable officer of horse and refusing upon demand to make restitution, tried {ms folio 89a} for the same by a court-martial, where he could give no account how he came by them, and was accordingly found guilty of the fact, commanded to restore all that was challenged, and by favour of the times only imprisoned during some few days. By this disorder of our own men though the enemy got but little, very many of us were left almost naked, not having so much as a shirt to change. In which condition being a stranger and without friends I continued many days, for money was as scarce as clothes and what we had only brass, which was then of very little or no value, till I met an Englishman who had but three shirts yet taking compassion of me gave me one, which was the first relief I had after losing all. One comfort was I did not want companions in misery, though few reduced to so great extremity as myself, the Irish being in their own country, and though perhaps many far from home yet few but had some friend to assist them; and most of the English officers were then withdrawn from the regiment.

Monday the 14th: we were reviewed by Brigadier Wauchope, and our regiment found to consist of 150 men with arms fixed, 50 unfixed, and almost 100 without arms. A dismal and most shameful sight, the king a fortnight before giving

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Tuesday the 15th: nothing remarkable happened, but many of our men came up and joined their regiments.

Wednesday the 16th: in the morning we decamped, and the regiments being so very weak as I said before they were joined by two and two, to us was joined the Lord Slane's.¹⁶⁶ The whole day was spent in marching to Limerick, though it was not full four miles. In the city {ms folio 89b} were left all the French, the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's, Major General Boisseleau¹⁶⁷ and Sir John FitzGerald's, the rest

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Thursday the 17th: quarters were assigned us, in some houses one, in some two companies. Limerick, being the principal city at this time and long after that held out for the king, and consequently there being often occasion and that on account of many memorable occurrences to speak of it, having been long quartered in it during that season, I will endeavour to give a true and exact description of it, but as brief as the small compass of this journal requires. Limerick is seated in a plain on the banks of the river Shannon, a branch whereof runs through and divides it into two, the one called the English, the other the Irish town, and encompasseth the former together with a considerable spot of ground without the walls called the King's Island, and so falls again into the main body of the river as appears in the map,¹⁷⁰ to which recourse may be had in relation to all that shall occur hereafter,

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Friday the 18th: the Lord Grand Prior's to which were

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Saturday the 19th: Colonel Talbot with all the Grenadiers of the camp prepared the palisades. Gordon O'Neill and O'Donovan's Regiments ¹⁷² were at the work with all their

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Sunday the 20th: Gormanstown's and Bellow's Regiments at the work.

Monday the 21st: the days being long and very hot it was found the men could not hold out with vigour from sunrise to sunset, it was therefore thought expedient to keep them close whilst at it and have them relieved; accordingly Hamilton's Regiment, mounted first, were relieved by Kilmallock's and they again by Burke's ¹⁷³

{ms folio 92b}Tuesday the 22nd: The Grand Prior's, Bellew's, and Gormanstown's Regiments, commanded by the Lord Slane, marched about five miles into the county of Clare towards Brian's Bridge to a wood near the river to bring palisades, which were there ready cut. Gordon O'Neill was at the work in the town.

Wednesday the 23rd: Athlone having been some days besieged and by Colonel Grace the governor well defended, it was thought fit to send him some relief, the enemy being only on the Leinster side of the river and Connaught side open. Here upon this day one battalion of the guards, the Grand Prior, Slane and Boisseleau's detachments making another battalion, Gormanstown and Bellew a third, Hamilton and Sir Maurice Eustace¹⁷⁴ a fourth, and the French detachments,

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Thursday the 24th: we marched first along the side of the

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Friday the 25th: with the day began our march over the

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Saturday the 26th: the news of raising the siege of Athlone being come to the Duke of Berwick who commanded in chief, though the news was not made known, yet why kept secret is a mystery, the Irish forces continued here, but the French detachments marched back to Limerick to our great satisfaction,

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Sunday the 27th: we marched to Loughrea six miles, all the country hitherto is wild, mountainous and in my judgement may be called barren, but some people are so blinded with affection they will not allow the worst of soils to be called barren, because it produces fern and wild sedge, which the miserable cattle having no better are forced to feed upon, and yet some will maintain that to be a rich soil, which all the art of man cannot improve so as to bear anything but oats and potatoes. At the town begins a valley which extends some miles in length and breadth. It is not very plain, but has several old ruins of castles and gentlemen's houses {ms folio 95b} and there being many enclosures from the mountains it looks like an exceeding pleasant and fertile place, but coming to view all this near it is only ruins and a barren soil, wherein are some scattered cornfields, some coarse pasture and the rest nothing but fern and rushes. The town is like the country, promises well at a distance, but when near you find only the remains of a formerly indifferent place with some memory of walls, the gates yet standing. There is also little more than the ruins of a very considerable house belonging to the Earls of Clanricarde. Adjoining to the town is a great lough or lake out of which runs a small river, and from the lough I suppose the town takes its name. Here every company had a house assigned for quarters.

Monday the 28th: we continued here. Brigadier Sarsfield¹⁸²

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Tuesday the 29th proved an excessive hot day, yet we marched nine miles of that country (which are the longest I ever saw) without halting, then rested a while near Gort,¹⁸³ a very small inconsiderable village upon a very rocky river, over which is a stone bridge, and adjoining to it a very large house. The road hither is along one end of the bottom I spoke of before, and partakes much of the hills and barrenness. After a short halt we marched three miles farther to a mill about a mile from the place called Toberreendony, famous for a clear spring dedicated to our blessed lady, as the name imports in Irish, and held in great veneration by all the neighbouring people.¹⁸⁴ Part of this way is through lanes, the rest very stony and hilly. Upon the road advice was brought that the enemy ad approached to Limerick and it was feared they would attempt to pass the Shannon, which if they had compassed might have been the loss of us all, we being but a small number of foot {ms folio 96a} and without horse or dragoons. Hereupon ammunition was distributed and both officer and soldier ordered upon pain of death not to stir from their post but to lie down upon their arms and take some rest till such time the general should beat, which was appointed within two hours, having halted about ten at night to march again at twelve. And though we had marched with only half an hour's rest from morning till this time at night and at a great rate yet could we the whole day make but twelve miles. I cannot but observe how little confidence was then to be reposed in our men, for notwithstanding the severe orders the fear of the enemy prevailed so much more over them than that of punishment, or any sense of honour, or their safety in standing by each other, that it appeared with the light at least one half of them were stolen away in the dark, those that were left being ready upon the first alarm to follow the example set them by their companions.

Wednesday the 30th: between twelve and one in the morning the general beat, and again ordered that no man

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Thursday the 31st: we marched to Limerick which is six large miles, almost half the way over a high steep and stony mountain, the rest plain and most part lanes, cornfields and meadows on both sides, all enclosed as in England. There is another way to avoid the mountain but farther about: I shall speak of it when I come to travel it. From our setting out till our return to Limerick we suffered much for want of provisions and above all of bread, for no ammunition bread was given and scarce any could be bought, only very rarely some few cakes of oats or bere, a grain much like to though not the same but bigger and coarser than barley, whereof all their beer and ale is made, little or none of their land producing the true barley. The city being filled with the chief officers, both civil and military, the guards and French, we were quartered in the Irish town one or two companies in a house.

Friday the 1st of August: all the regiments were drawn out and reviewed in the King's Island in order, as was given out, to receive money and bread and have quarters regulated. After standing at arms till about two of the clock we were dismissed without any thing, only orders that an officer of a company should make a true return of their arms fixed and unfixed, and of the number of their men present.

Saturday the 2nd: most of our horse and dragoons, some on the one side of the river some on the other, marched towards Athlone. This day also the French forces departed for Galway to the great satisfaction not only of the inhabitants, but of all the garrison that remained in town. They remained some time at Galway till ships came to carry them into France, thinking it impossible Limerick should hold out a siege, offering to lay wagers it would be taken in three days.¹⁸⁷

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{ms folio 97b} Sunday the 3rd: nothing of note, but that advice was brought of the approach of the enemy, and all preparations for their reception hastened accordingly.

Monday and Tuesday, the 4th and 5th: most part of these two days the foot, who were encamped on the east side of the town, marched through into the King's Island, carrying with them all the materials for building their huts, and encamped there. The small works about the town not being finished, the men were kept at work incessantly day and night.

Wednesday the 6th: there was nothing remarkable, but a review being taken of the Lord Grand Prior's regiment it was found to consist of 446 private men, besides corporals, sergeants and commissioned officers, making in all 543. Of these many sick and absent, but many more without arms. Though there was the name of many regiments in the garrison yet very few of them were near this number and fewer equal in goodness of men. I speak it not out of affection or vanity because I served in it, but because it was one of the oldest in the kingdom, giving their precedence only to the Guards and disputing the right with Hamilton's, all others yielding to it.

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Thursday the 7th: on the works mounted by brigades at noon went the Lord Grand Prior and Hamilton¹⁸⁸ and the regiments joined to them, which made a large brigade and had not as at other times a particular brigadier, but were commanded by him whose day it was. The enemy encamped within three miles of the town and our dragoons retired, burning all the country as they went. The devastation spread on all sides, and quite round might be seen some villages, and many farms, and considerable gentlemen's country houses in flames. Our negligence at first was cause that our works, though mean and inconsiderable, were not yet finished, so that no intermission could be allowed. Gordon and Felix O'Neill¹⁸⁹ with other regiments joined to them relieved the work in the evening to continue all night till break of day.

Friday the 8th: Gormanstown¹⁹⁰ and Bellew,¹⁹¹ &c., mounted the work and were relieved at noon by the Grand Prior, &c. This morning the enemy's horse and dragoons came up within half a mile of the town, showing themselves on the rising

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Saturday the 9th: the Prince of Orange invested the town, enclosing with his army all that is not surrounded by the Shannon.¹⁹² Detachments of our foot, supported by the dragoons, disputed every field with the enemy, lining the hedges and retiring orderly from one to another after several volleys and some execution till they came within shelter of our cannon or outworks, and there they continued in small bodies in the ditches and kept their ground all night. In this skirmishing we lost but very few men, nor indeed could we spare them so that it was done only for form and to amuse the enemy. Giving way still as they pressed upon us, there was never an officer killed but Sir Maurice Eustace had his horse shot under him in the midst of us, and Fitzpatrick's major his in a field below us, but neither they nor any of us hurt. I will not be too exact in affirming what garrison we had, I know both to encourage us and terrify the enemy we were given out to be

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Sunday the 10th: one battalion of the Royal regiment of Foot Guards relieved the hornwork, Gordon¹⁹⁵ and Felix O'Neill the east side, Luttrell's Dragoons St. John's Gate, FitzGerald and Kilmallock the west. The enemy fired most part of the day some field pieces from Cromwell's fort and the hill opposite to the south-west commonly called the Ball tower. They did no execution though two or three balls went through the Capuchins' chapel in time of mass. Our cannon answered upon all occasions though to as little effect, only that we looked on the enemy's losses through multiplying glasses their loss could not be much, but some there was.

Monday the 11th: the Grand Prior mounted the east side where the O'Neills were, the second battalion of guards relieved the first and the rest in order. The Grand Prior also relieved the two redoubts of the south-east angle. The cannon played hot on both sides till the enemy's on a sudden gave over, it was thought ours had dismounted or at least endamaged some of their pieces. Some battalions of the enemy's being encamped within sight and reach of our guns, they played through them so smartly, that they were obliged to remove.

Tuesday the 12th: the works were relieved as before. We heard nothing of the enemy all day they continuing very quiet, as was thought being busy in the wood cutting of faggots, wherever they could be perceived to move in any body within reach on cannon continually played on them.¹⁹⁶

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Wednesday the 13th: we mounted the same place, all other posts were relieved as usual, for the whole strength of the garrison even now at first consisted but of one relief, so that we were on duty every other day and were besides subject to all accidents of alarms which were frequent, and towards the latter end our duty was continual. This day before mounting was a review of all that were not upon duty. The unarmed men {ms folio 99a} were continually kept at work, the chief part whereof was in the King's Island, where was raised a square fort with four bulwarks, on one of them a small platform for three or four guns to play over the branch of the river that makes the island, where it was thought the enemy designed to raise a battery, having made some odd shots from thence. There were besides some breastworks cast up at such places as the river was most easy to be forded. This day passed without any molestation from the enemy.

Thursday the 14th: all the works relieved as usual. The enemy lay very still till about two or three of the clock, at which time they began to play furiously with four pieces of cannon on our platform of the citadel, and so continued very hot for about two hours, when on a sudden they gave over. Our cannon the meanwhile was not idle, but answered them so smartly both from that platform and above within the citadel that by their sudden ceasing as well as other signs which we could perceive, it was concluded we had done some considerable damage to their battery. On our side only a lieutenant lost an arm, seven or eight killed, and as many wounded.

Friday the 15th: we mounted as before. The enemy's cannon played at our platforms and did little or no hurt. Only on the north side some few men were hurt and two or three killed by the cannon balls which rebounded back from the stone wall.

Saturday the 16th: the works relieved as usual. All our unarmed men were continually kept at work, some fortifying

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Sunday the 17th: having relieved the works the whole day continued very quiet. About midnight the enemy advanced on the south and south-east sides of the town. Not far from the south-east angle were two small redoubts and a third opposite to St. John's Gate on the south side. This last they attacked, which though made up only of loose stones laid one upon another was vigorously maintained by Hamilton and Eustace's Grenadiers, who behaved themselves so well that they repulsed the rebels and kept their ground till ordered to retire, that poor work being no longer tenable. A detachment of the Grand Prior's men, who were in the remotest of the two redoubts opposite to the south-east angle behaved themselves so ill that they quitted their post at the first charge and fled, some to the other redoubt and some to the trenches, with such precipitation that they lost their arms, the officers commanding there being the first, as it afterwards appeared, that gave the example to the soldiers of running, which they so readily followed that not one shot was spent in defence of the post. Lieutenant-Colonel Connel¹⁹⁷ of the Lord Slane's Regiment advanced out of the trenches, endeavouring to encourage the men to retrieve their honour by regaining the redoubt, but {ms folio 100a} the enemy being in possession and our men in a consternation nothing was effected, only that with some small reinforcement he put himself into the other redoubt, which secured it for that time he continuing there till we were relieved. The enemy after this success attempted not to proceed any farther, but were heard to work all the remaining part of the night and the next day, being

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Monday the 18th: it appeared they had raised a new battery upon Cromwell's Fort, so called for that it was raised by that usurper in the former rebellion when he besieged Limerick. It stands on a hill which overlooks the town about a quarter of a mile distant from it, the redoubt we lost the last night on the south side lying in the mid way to it. As soon as day appeared they began to play from that new battery with four pieces of cannon upon our small platform that covered the south-east angle, but with little success, some few balls being buried in it, others flying quite over the town, and some after glancing along the wall falling into our trenches, whereof one broke the legs of three men and a piece of another killed one man, but we retiring our men under shelter received no further damage. At the usual time we were relieved by first battalion of the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, who were afterwards to be relieved by their second battalion, that post being taken from us, either because it being the most {ms folio 100b} exposed and consequently most honourable seemed of right to belong to the Guards or else silently to reproach us for the loss of the redoubt. This night the enemy advanced and attacked that redoubt we were still masters of near the south-east angle, and having made some show of attempting the trenches retired without gaining anything, their assault being but weak and of no continuance. The town took the alarm and all the garrison that was within continued the whole night, either on the walls or at arms, in the streets ready upon all occasions.

Tuesday the 19th: a strong detachment of the best men with firelocks and swords, for it is to be observed we had but few of those sorts of arms, was drawn out of the best regiments that relieved the trenches. The Grand Prior's with Colonel Moore's Regiment¹⁹⁸ mounted the hornwork where

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{ms folio 101a} The detachment before mentioned was advanced before the trenches on the east to have secured the redoubt of the south-east angle, if attacked, but the enemy attempted it not, and contented themselves with drawing a trench parallel to ours from the redoubt they had taken towards the river, our advanced men never endeavouring to disturb them, whereas they might easily have obstructed their work and done good execution upon them. Nothing else happened of moment, but whereas before we relieved the works in the morning now it was put off till the evening.

Wednesday the 20th: the enemy played from their battery on Cromwell's Fort, and from another they had newly raised on the redoubt they took from us opposite to the south-east angle. In the afternoon they vigorously attacked the redoubt we still maintained on the same side not far from their new battery. Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly of the Guards commanded there and twice repulsed the rebels,¹⁹⁹ but the third time the post was abandoned without any apparent reason for it, the defendants having sustained no loss and the enemy giving way; only the fear of our men, and, as I heard, the ill example of some officers, who {ms folio 101b} first quitted the post putting them to flight. An unfortunate sally was made after the loss of the redoubt at the east Watergate by all our horse, a party of

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Thursday the 21st: about one or two in the morning we were alarmed and continued at arms in the street and on the walls till about six when we were again dismissed. All the day the enemy continued their work, having every day brought great quantities of faggots, which now they employed in securing and carrying on their trenches towards the river. In the evening the posts were all relieved according to custom and this night we received no disturbance from the enemy.

{ms folio 102a} Friday the 22nd: with the day the enemy began to batter the tower on the south-east angle with four pieces of cannon and continued it hotly without any intermission till about noon or somewhat after the upper part of it fell to the ground, the remaining part being still as high as the wall. After this they slackened in their fury of firing, but gave not wholly over continuing to make some shots at the same tower and some at another in the middle of the east wall. It was now ordered we should relieve at one of the clock the time the

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Saturday the 23rd: they spent the whole day battering the east wall next the tower they had ruined the day before, playing incessantly with six pieces of cannon planted on a battery they had raised in the first redoubt they took from us directly opposite to the south-east angle. They {ms folio 102b} also made many shots at the citadel by St. John's Gate. The stones that flew from the wall and splinters of balls which broke against those hard stones killed some and wounded many of our men, because the narrowness of our works afforded no shelter and the ruins of the walls could not be avoided in the straightness of the trenches. The citadel and south wall received little or no damage, but on the east side the top of the wall was shaken. After noon there was a cessation of arms for about two hours to bury the dead, which lay above ground since the day we lost the last redoubt and made the unfortunate sally. Then the works were relieved. A detachment of 100 men out of several regiments was sent to join the guards in the trenches on the east side where the enemy pushed on their approaches and had their chief battery. I was ordered with this detachment and we were posted in the north end of the trench next the river, that being the most exposed place of all the works because all the enemy's cannon that played upon the wall drove clouds of stones and rubbish upon it which flew with great violence and wounded many. Besides it was {ms folio 103a} thought the enemy would make an attack upon that place because it was the weakest and even naked at low water. The officers had positive orders if attacked to kill any soldier that should offer to fly, and it was also declared death for any officer to quit his post though never so hard pressed. However we only essayed the fury of the cannon which played day and night, for the enemy attempted not the post. They were all

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Sunday the 24th: with the day we discovered the enemy had advanced their trenches within fifty paces of our counterscarp on the east side, and were raising a battery in the redoubt they last gained of us. All the day they played hotly from the other on the wall which was much damaged thereby. Nothing else remarkable happened this day. The works were relieved as usual except our detachment which through the negligence of the major continued on till night.

{ms folio 103b}Monday the 25th: the enemy began very early and continued all day playing hotly from two batteries, the one of twelve pieces of cannon against the intended breach in the east wall. The other was of four newly raised in the bottom near the bog opposite to the middle tower of the east wall, whence they made many shots at the Franciscans' chapel, standing near the east gate of the English town where we had three pieces of cannon that flanked their trenches. They also played them at Ball's Bridge which joins the English and Irish towns, being built over that arm of the Shannon which encloses the English town and King's Island. About noon both sides

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Tuesday the 26th: the day began as usual with {ms folio 104a} the noise of the cannon from all the enemy's batteries. This day they perfected their intended work, having made a breach in the southernmost part of the east wall near twenty paces wide, and though somewhat high yet easy of ascent, the vast quantity of rubbish beaten from the upper part of the wall and tower having almost filled the counterscarp so that there was no difficulty in mounting. Their cannon also levelled the glacis of the covered way and, having beat down the palisades, opened a plain passage to the breach and that gave a fair invitation to assault the town. This night they threw but few bombs and fewer carcasses seeming to be sparing of both. None of them did any damage worth mentioning.²⁰⁶

Wednesday the 27th: the enemy's batteries played furiously, the farthest off being the least at Ball's Bridge, the great one at the breach till they had laid it open above thirty paces and made the ascent plainer on their side than it was from the town. About noon the trenches were to be relieved which in part was done, only the Grand Prior's to which, as was said before, because of the weakness of regiments were joined Slane's and Boisseleau's,²⁰⁷ stood at arms in the street in order to have relieved {ms folio 104b} the hornwork. It had been before ordered that as they relieved one regiment should still stand at arms till another came in. It was our good fortune to

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Thursday the 28th: the enemy played their cannon very hot at the breach to enlarge it towards the south angle, and to beat down a small part of that tower which sheltered our men on the south wall from their shot, and had been prejudicial to them mounting the breach. The first they performed as to laying the breach wider open, but their design on the remaining part of the tower took no effect. From their lower battery next to the bog they plied the bridge so warmly it was very dangerous to pass. This, as was remarked before, is not the great bridge over the main body of the Shannon, but a small one over a branch of it, and joins the English and Irish towns; the communication between which they laboured to cut off, which if effected must {ms folio 107a} have proved fatal to us, but the damage they did was inconsiderable. In the morning

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Friday the 29th: the enemy's cannon played as before and enlarged the breach to above forty paces. At the bridge one shot cut both the chains of the drawbridge and did some other damage but not of much moment, because the enemy's battery had not a full view of it, and their shot came slanting towards one end, yet the passage was very dangerous. The Grand Prior's detachments were all relieved this afternoon except that where I commanded, which continued in the same place till night, when being relieved we only marched into the street, and having joined the rest of the regiment to the trenches on the south-west side of the town, where we continued all night expecting an attack. The night was extreme cold, dark and rainy and we almost spent for want of rest.²¹³ For my own particular as appears by this relation I had had none at all for three nights before this and but very little during the whole siege, nor indeed was {ms folio 107b} it possible to have much being upon duty every other day and continually alarmed when we expected to rest. Our cannon and small shot fired the whole night round the walls, and much railing was betwixt our men and the enemies, for we were so closed up on all sides that though the night was stormy we could easily hear one another.

Saturday the 30th: in the morning we observed there was great silence in the enemy's works and day appearing we could not perceive any body in them, which at first was looked upon as a stratagem to draw us out of our works, but some few being sent out to discover returned and brought the news that all abroad was clear. Immediately the word was carried

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Sunday the 31st: the enemy continued encamped in the same place. All our works were mounted as before, the Grand Prior's regiment at the breach. Several detachments and all the unarmed men were put to work to bring in the faggots the enemy had gathered in great numbers, and about thirty gabions they left behind, which were placed upon the breach.

Monday September the 1st: our men continued bringing in the faggots, demolishing the enemy's works and removing the rubbish from before the breach. The prisoners we had were sent out with a guard to bury the enemy's dead that lay very thick about the town and began to grow noisome. All posts were relieved, but the Grand Prior's men continued for want of orders all day at the breach and were drawn off towards evening.

Tuesday the 2nd: the enemy lay still in the same place, but we received intelligence that they had sent away their sick and wounded men, as also their artillery and heavy baggage. It was hereupon ordered that for the future only seventy men of each battalion should do duty instead of the whole.

Wednesday the 3rd: was appointed a general day of review for the garrison in the King's Island, but the {ms folio 109a} weather proving extreme foul it was put off.²¹⁴

Thursday the 4th: all the foot drew out into the King's Island and were reviewed by the Duke of Berwick, then Lieutenant-General and General Governor of Ireland. I designed to have taken a particular account of the strength of all regiments, but the weather proving very foul we were discharged.

Tuesday the 9th: in the morning arrived at Limerick Lieutenant-Colonel Boismeral,²¹⁵ who had been sent with 100 foot and 100 dragoons to garrison Kilmallock. He returned this day with all his men disarmed, having to his eternal infamy delivered up that place and his arms, without

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Sunday the 14th: I walked out to view the ground where the enemy encamped, in one part whereof where their forges had stood were found ten or twelve tons of Kilkenny coals, and under ground above 400 bombs and carcasses with a great quantity of cannon ball of all sizes, which upon their raising the siege they had buried. {ms folio 109b} But the most remarkable thing was a spectacle of horror near this place, for here were to be seen the ruins of a hospital built by them for their wounded men, which at their departure they most inhumanly burnt full as it was of those miserable wretches, whereof many were consumed to ashes, others lay within half burnt, and others that had more strength or were nearer crept out at the three doors, and soon failing for want of relief dropped down and lay dead about the field. A piece of barbarity we have not heard of amongst the most savage nations.²¹⁶ There might be destroyed in this inhuman manner about 300 men, for so many, deserters told us, there were in the hospital, and the carcasses and limbs that lay about unconsumed were very numerous. I cannot but observe here that all about the city, but more especially in this place last mentioned, there were infinite numbers of crows and ravens, which seemed to have resorted from all parts of the country to prey upon the dead bodies

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Monday the 29th, when four battalions of foot marched out of Limerick, and encamped about a quarter of a mile from the town, and not far from Cromwell's Fort. The regiments {ms folio 110a} being very weak, several of them were put together to make up battalions. Those that encamped were the Grand Prior's to which were joined Slane's and Boisseleau's, Butler²¹⁷ joined by Sir Michael Creagh, Westmeath and Grace, the two MacMahons,²¹⁸ and Iveagh composed the third battalion, and Gordon and Felix O'Neill the fourth. The third of these battalions had no arms at all, the other three for the most part were armed, but not completely; this is to be understood of firearms, for very few had swords. This day the weather began to grow foul with much rain and great storms of wind, which continued all the while we lay encamped here. The fields we lay in were very green, and we wanted not wood, an orchard at hand supplying us plentifully, but there was no straw in

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Tuesday the 30th: we received the news of the loss of Cork,²¹⁹ which, though afterwards contradicted, proved true. The manner of it I do not undertake to relate, as not having been present, and the relations we had differing very much.

Saturday October the 4th: marched out of Limerick towards the county of Kerry Brigadier MacGillicuddy,²²⁰ and the Lord Kenmare's Regiments²²¹ of Foot.

Sunday the 5th: the Lord Slane's Regiment, which till now had been joined to the Grand {ms folio 110b} Prior's, marched away from the camp.

Monday the 6th: the Horse Guards, the second Battalion of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's Regiment to which were joined Boisseleau's, as was said before, and FitzGerald's instead of Slane's, and Butler of Ballyraggett's Regiment joined by those, of Creagh and Grace,²²²

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Tuesday the 7th: I set out with the day {ms folio 111a} and joined our forces at the Bridge. We marched thence three miles to Bruff, a small but not contemptible town, where we halted awhile, and found, contrary to report we had heard before, no want of entertainment, but what was caused by the shyness of the poor people and the too much eagerness of the soldiers, whose pressing necessities were a sufficient excuse of their rudeness. Yet it had been given out that the country was quite destroyed, and neither meat nor drink to be found on all the way to Cork. After this little halt, we marched on three miles farther to Kilmallock. Notwithstanding the

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Wednesday the 8th: a subaltern officer of each battalion was sent out with a detachment to bring in spades, shovels, and pickaxes from the country. The Duke of Berwick, who came to town the night before, went out with the horse, and returned without meeting any enemy. Towards evening marched into the town Colonel Nugent's Regiment of Foot, called the Caps, because they all wore them like Grenadiers, as being more easily to be had than hats.²²⁴

Thursday the 9th: nothing happened of note, but whereas we expected some works would have been carried on with the tools taken up the day before, they were only ordered to be left at the general's quarters.

Friday the 10th: the four battalions of foot were drawn out upon the hill over the town, where the Duke of Berwick took a view of them, and they returned to their quarters.

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3

Saturday the 11th: in the morning the foot drew out again on the hill and marched away, having left detachments who burnt Kilmallock, the horse doing the same to Charleville, having before wasted the country round about and fired several villages. This morning we marched back three miles to Bruff, and with us the Horse Guards {ms folio 112a} and Duke of Tyrconnel's Regiment of Horse. These last encamped in the gardens of a great house near Bruff belonging to one Evans, which, being very large and built after the manner of a castle with large stone walls and battlements, had been burnt by our army: the place was called Ballygrennan. All the Foot and the Horse Guards quartered in the town, which being but small they were much thronged, and to straighten our quarters a house accidentally took fire, and the wind being very high burnt down five or six others that contained a considerable number of men. All the morning whilst we were drawn up on the hill and marched, there continued a most violent storm of wind and rain, which cleared up when we came to Bruff but it fatigued us extremely on the march. All the country about Bruff is very pleasant, being a large valley and good land well peopled and improved. The town is small and has nothing in it worth observing. There was corn and cattle enough, plenty of cabbages in the gardens, and what was the great support of the people and soldiers, large fields of potatoes, yielding prodigious quantities of them, and all little enough considering the vast consumption, for they often serve instead of bread, and the soldiers would be feeding on them all the day.

We continued here all Sunday the 12th, {ms folio 112b} and Monday the 13th and Tuesday the 14th, without anything worth observing, unless the bringing in of six or seven prisoners and two deserters; but this night about midnight, by the mistake of our advanced guards, we were alarmed and continued under arms above an hour. The night was favourable being very fair and moonlight, when finding our mistake we returned to our quarters with orders to be ready upon beat of drum.

Wednesday the 15th: at the same time the tattoo was beating we received orders to be in readiness, and so continued all

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Thursday the 16th: we returned to Limerick. Here I continued in quarters with the regiment all the winter, during which time there happened very little or nothing of note, for our forces being very inconsiderable and much harassed, there {ms folio 113a} was no possibility of gaining any advantage upon the enemy, who at the same time made no other of our weakness but to live the more at ease. The weather it must be confessed, for the most part, was not fit for any action, yet considering how much they were superior to us they might without much difficulty have taken opportunities to straighten us in our quarters, which in a small time must have reduced us to extremity, and would consequently have saved the expense of another campaign, and the lives of many men they lost in it. But they seemed to be stupefied or wholly devoted to their ease, leaving us in quiet possession of the whole province of Connaught, besides the entire county of Kerry and the greatest part of the county of Limerick. These counties maintained the greatest part of our small army especially with flesh and potatoes, for all sorts of grain was very scarce. In Limerick, which was the head-quarters, we lived most of the winter upon salt beef allowed out of the stores, had one while ammunition bread made of all sorts of corn put together allowed in a small quantity, but for the most part instead of bread we received half a pint of wheat for officers, and the soldiers the same quantity of barley or oats in grain, to make our own bread. Of salt {ms folio 113b} beef the allowance was half a pound a day. As for pay a small part of the winter we received subsistence money in brass, which was equivalent almost to nothing, for

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On the 18th of April, 1691, arrived an express from France, with the news of the taking of Mons by the French; for which on the 19th Te Deum was sung in the church of St. Mary being the cathedral.²²⁷ The cannon was also three times discharged, and as many volleys of small shot, and there were bonfires and other {ms folio 117b} demonstrations of joy.

May the 4th: marched out of Limerick a detachment of fifty men of a regiment, more of the Guards, and Burke's company of two hundred Fusiliers, in all about eight hundred men. They marched to Lough Gur, seven miles from Limerick; to fortify a pass there, which when finished they all returned, except Burke's company left to make good that place.

May the 9th: arrived in the river Shannon a French squadron of men-of-war, having sent some ships to Galway, and about noon landed the French general M. St. Ruth,²²⁸ who was received with real demonstrations of joy. The 17th was a general muster of the garrison of Limerick, and the 18th and 19th the regiments were particularly reviewed, delivered

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June the 2nd: Purcell's Regiment of Horse,²³¹ Carroll's²³²

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The 3rd: came to Limerick Cormuck O'Neill's Regiment of Foot consisting of about nine hundred men as likely, clever, lusty, well-shaped fellows, as ever eyes beheld.

Thursday the 4th of June: marched out of Limerick Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, which was before the Grand Prior's, in which I served. It was then about four hundred strong. We halted a considerable time beyond Thomond Bridge, till one small field piece and one cart laden with ammunition joined us, and then we marched without any other stop to the camp at Killaloe, eight miles from Limerick, where we pitched our tents on the left of the Guards, all on the south side of the town, but without any order. This town and the road to it I shall not need to give any account of in this place, having said as much of it as is requisite before when {ms folio 118b} we passed the same way the first time towards Athlone, as is to be seen in this book, folio 92. This night the soldiers passed with much inconveniency for besides that we had but four tents to a company there were neither tentpoles nor pins; some few made what shift they could to set them up, the rest lay about under the hedges. The day was fair and pleasant to march, but the night extraordinary wet and cold, considering the season of the year. In this place we found fifteen battalions of foot, whereof two were of the Guards.

Friday the 5th: two hundred men were detached to bring wood, and the whole day spent in building huts, which were covered with turf or long sods cut off the face of the earth, very thin and four or five feet long, which in Ireland they call strauths. The reason of this shift was because there was no straw left in the country or other sort of thatch to be had, and we were obliged to hut because, as was said above, each company had but four tents, one of which was taken for the

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Saturday the 6th: part of the day was spent in exercise, wherein I found our old men as imperfect, through the want of use, as the new. We received six days' bread late at night, twelve {ms folio 119a} bullocks for the regiment, and orders to march the next morning.

Sunday the 7th: Brigadier Talbot's, Saxby's, and FitzGerald's Regiments of Foot marched²³³ at three of the clock in the morning. First to Tomgraney, five miles, a little ruined town, within half a mile of which is Scarriff, neither of them worth the noting but for the iron mills there formerly, now gone to decay. The road is all mountain with a wood along the Shannon. Hence we marched to Graig or as the English call it Woodford, eight miles over an uncouth barbarous mountain full of bogs and covered only with wild sedge, fern, and heath, without one house, cottage or so much

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Monday the 8th: the general beat at four, but we stirred not in two hours after, then set forward and marched seven miles, which in this country are the longest in Ireland, though none there be short. The first part of this way is mountain, then a pleasant bottom, most good pasture land. We struck two miles into this valley and ought to have kept along the sides of the hills, but none knowing the way went astray near two miles, for after four hours' march we were at the abbey, which is but two miles from Woodford. Thence three miles along a pleasant country till we came to Portumna Park, which is very pleasant and delightful, and a full mile through it, and just under it the town of Portumna, small yet better than many of the country towns in that province. We made no halt, but marched a mile farther and encamped on a rising

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Tuesday the 9th: nothing of note, but that one small bullock was divided among all the officers of the regiment, a very poor allowance, and all they received since they left Limerick.

Wednesday the 10th: the general beat at five in the morning, yet we stirred not till towards noon, then marched five miles to Meelick. The country is pleasant, being diversified with cornfields, pasture land, and some underwood and brakes. From the time we left Limerick till we came to this place I did not see ten head of any sort of cattle, but what was with the army, either horses, cows, or sheep, very few people and nothing but ruined villages. At Meelick in the small islands the river Shannon there makes the people had secured some small flocks of sheep and a few black cattle. This place consists of a few scattering cottages, one gentleman's house in an island and an old castle in another little island, upon one of the passes of the Shannon, which pass is convenient enough for travellers with a guide; but not for an army, the ford being narrow with several windings and dangerous on both sides. Here is also {ms folio 120b} the residence of a few Franciscan friars only remarkable for the poverty of their house and chapel which are nothing but long thatched cabins. The walls of a handsome chapel designed by these friars are standing, but never roofed or further finished than the raising of them to their full height. All round is a very delightful plain, the soil good, but inclining to bog in wet weather.

Thursday the 11th: a review of the brigade was taken by Brigadier Talbot;²³⁴ the general beat at noon in order to march,

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Friday the 12th: four deserters came over to us, who gave an account that the enemy were 13,000 strong at Ballyboy in horse, foot and dragoons. We had before received information that they were 15,000 between Athlone and Mullingar, and had taken Ballymore, a place of very considerable strength, in less than forty-eight hours.²³⁵ Here we lay still, without anything remarkable happening till

Friday the 19th, when, about three in the morning an express came with orders pursuant to which we decamped and marched immediately five miles to a place whose name, if it has any, I could not learn, there being no village, house or place of note near it. The first mile of this way is a large beaten road as bad at this time with the continual rain as if it had been the depth of winter, where stands the much noted house in Connaught called Eyre's Court, being a pleasant seat built by one Mr. Eyre and much celebrated in the {ms folio 121a} country, but by what I could perceive in marching by it nothing answerable to what fame reports. All that can be said, it is a pretty gentleman's seat, the house large with a pleasant wood on the back of it; but no good prospect any way, nor any river near it. Round about is hilly ground, which, with the improvements and the convenient neighbourhood of a small village, make it delightful enough. The land hither is most enclosed, though some of it full of shrubs and wild. The next two miles is all common, covered with fern, heath, much sedge and some patches of good grass and several bogs. No dwelling is in this way, but at the end of the two miles an old house or castle, where begins for the following two miles to be some enclosures and much more bog and shrubby land. At the end of our march we found fifteen battalions of foot encamped in a line, the horse and dragoons

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Saturday the 20th: we marched but two miles {ms folio 121b} through a pleasant hilly country, and then encamped, twenty battalions of foot, besides horse and dragoons, in the same manner as the day before, the latter whose number was increased, all scattered, and four battalions of foot, which were the beginning of a second line divided from the first by a ridge of rising ground. About the first every way it is all hilly, and in the rear of the second line a spacious beautiful valley, as far as a man's sight could extend, but most of it boggy, and I believe is overflowed in winter by the river Suck, which lay behind us. On our left was the town or village of Ballinasloe, or according to the Irish pronunciation Ballinaslouagh. We heard the cannon at Athlone firing hotly all the day. After noon marched thither Major-General Hamilton's, and the Lord Galway's Regiments of Foot, with all the officers in second of the army.

Sunday the 21st the army decamped and marched through Ballinasloe seven miles, and encamped on an eminence, about two miles or better from Athlone.²³⁶ Ballinasloe is but a mean ruinous place, with some remains of a remarkable

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Monday the 22nd: very early Brigadier Talbot's and the Lord Iveagh's Regiments²³⁷ of Foot relieved the trenches on

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Tuesday the 23rd: we continued in the same post all the day much of which was spent in a sort of voluntary cessation on the banks of the river, where the guards on both sides discoursed familiarly till some general of the enemy's coming down broke off the communication, and we fell to firing at one another for a short space, and then ceased without any harm done on either part. The enemy's cannon and mortars played at the castle, but not so hot as the day before. In the morning before day appeared we heard the noise of carriages, and when it grew light saw some bodies of the enemy marching. This day came to our camp eight field-pieces with ammunition and other necessaries. At night Gordon O'Neill's Regiment relieved us in the trenches; but we only drew back, and lay all night upon the bivouac on the bog under the hills, which are the road to Athlone near the river.

Wednesday the 24th: at the first dawning of the day we marched off, and returned to the camp. From the camp to the town, for above a Connaught mile, is through the shrubs and bushes, till within a large mile of the town is a small bridge over a little brook, and from thence forward a plain hard

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Thursday the 25th: there was a general muster in the morning; soon after we had orders to be all ready in half an hour, and presently again to decamp; which was done, and we marched down about a mile nearer to the town, where we encamped on a ground much like the last, but far from water. The enemy had now mounted more cannon and played most violently without intermission on the castle. Here we were new formed into brigades, and ours made up of Colonel Talbot's, the Lord Slane's, Colonel Dillon's,²³⁹ the Lord Bophin's,²⁴⁰ and Colonel O'Brien's Regiments.

Friday the 26th: the enemy's fire at the castle continued very hot all the day, but nothing else of note happened.

Saturday the 27th: the enemy having made some attempt

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Sunday the 28th: continued playing incessantly. About one in the morning the enemy, creeping over their barricades of faggots on the bridge, made up the broken arch with planks, both sides plying their small shot and hand grenades without intermission; yet they did their work and retired. No sooner was it done than five or six of our men, getting over our work of faggots on the bridge, notwithstanding the enemy's continual fire, took up the planks, and throwing them into the river, returned in safety. The great and small shot never ceased firing, and some time before noon the enemies with their grenades fired our faggots on the bridge, which, being very dry and not covered with earth, burnt most furiously. I was commanded with a detachment of forty men of our regiment, and other officers of the other regiments in the town with proportionable numbers of their men to put a stop to the fire, which notwithstanding all our endeavours raged so violently that it took hold of the houses adjoining to the bridge. The enemy in the meanwhile bent thirty pieces of {ms folio 124a} cannon and all their mortars that way, so that what with the fire and what with the balls and bombs flying so thick that spot was a mere hell upon earth, for the place was very narrow which made the fire scorch, and so many cannon and mortars incessantly playing on it there seemed to be no likelihood of any man coming off alive. However we threw down one house, and the men, being hasty to run off with

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Monday the 29th: with the dawning of the day we marched to the camp. This morning some of the enemy's Grenadiers advancing were so well received that we heard they lost above a hundred. Two officers and five soldiers of ours, venturing up to the enemy's faggots on the bridge, set them

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Tuesday the 30th: most of the day passed in silence. In the afternoon on a sudden the whole camp was alarmed, and we marched down to the bridge within a mile of Athlone where we understood the town was taken, the enemy having entered both at the bridge and ford without the least opposition made on our side. The Regiments of O'Gara,²⁴³ Cormuck O'Neill,²⁴⁴ and others that were in the works, quitting them at the first onset without firing a shot, so that there was no time for any relief to enter the place. Some of the enemy who ventured without the castle were driven back without any loss whereupon they retired and secured themselves within, whilst our men who had quitted the town ran in great confusion over the bog. All our army stood at arms near the place but could do nothing, the castle being strong on the

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Wednesday the first of July: before day we marched about two or three miles, and encamped on a {ms folio 125b} plain about the same distance from Athlone. This march was performed with great confusion and disorder, such a panic fear having seized our men that the very noise of ten horsemen would have dispersed as many of our battalions, above half the soldiers scattering by the way without any other thing but their own apprehensions to fright them. This, was a general thing in ten regiments of foot that marched, and so great was the terror that in Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, one of the eldest and best in the army, there were but 190 men left when we came to encamp, our last muster amounting to 400 and upwards. We lay here the remaining part of the day without any disturbance, many men dropping in to us, their fear somewhat abating by our encamping so near the enemy. The weather was extreme wet and provisions very scarce this day, all the servants being gone to Ballinasloe with what little necessaries every man had.

Thursday the 2nd: the general beat at four in the morning, and our little army soon after marched and encamped three

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{ms folio 126a} Friday the 3rd: we marched again three miles, two to Ballinasloe and one beyond it, and encamped on the sides of the hills near a village called Aughrim²⁴⁶ far from water and fire, without any other thing worth observing.

Saturday the 4th: nothing remarkable.

Sunday the 5th: a party of our horse and dragoons advancing to discover the enemy met a small squadron of about thirty-six of them near the place on which we encamped before, of whom they killed about twenty and took five prisoners, pursuing the rest till within a mile or two of Athlone. Every regiment was this day reviewed by its major.

Monday the 6th: returns were given in by the commanding officers of each regiment of their men and arms, the commanders-in-chief having to that purpose taken another review.

Tuesday the 7th: the general beat at break of day with directions not to stir tent or baggage till further order, but to keep in a readiness to march. Thus we continued most part of the day, and after noon it was declared we were not to march. This day was broken at the head of the picket guards, drawn together for that purpose, Lieut.-Col. James O'Neill²⁴⁷ of the Regiment of Cormuck O'Neill, and obliged to carry a musket in the same regiment for quitting his post and running away shamefully at Athlone, which either was the cause or contributed much to the losing of that town, {ms folio 126b} the whole regiment by his example basely abandoning the

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Wednesday the 8th: the army began to march early, but the rear stirred not till noon, and we moved but a mile from the place, encamping on a plainer, pleasanter ground than the last. This day was very remarkable, first for the violent scorching heat of the sun, which I then thought so excessive as to exceed what I had felt in three years I lived in Portugal; but the reason might (be) because in that country I was never much exposed to it whereas here I marched afoot without any better place to refresh in after all than a small soldier's tent; next for the prodigious thunder, which during three hours it continued at a great distance all men took for hot firing of cannon till coming near it lasted about an hour longer in monstrous claps so great as are seldom heard, and all ended in such a violent shower of rain as ran through the tents as if there had been none. Here our artillery encamped in the front of the first line.

Thursday the 9th: this morning returned to the camp a party of our horse, who having met some of the enemy's advanced guards beyond Ballinasloe, killed nine and took five prisoners.

Friday the 10th: the whole body of the enemy {ms folio 127a} advanced, their horse driving ours before them even to our camp.

Saturday the 11th: the enemy encamped near Ballinasloe, their horse advancing even to the hills opposite to our camp, which were divided from us only by the bog, and on them they kept their videttes. Both parties lay still all day, nothing remarkable happening, only preparing to engage the next day, which was

Sunday the 12th: when the enemy moved from their camp betimes and appeared on the hills opposite to us about eight of the clock. Then they began to open to the right and left, still stretching out all day insomuch that we had cause to fear they would be able to flank as well as face us. They brought down their cannon, and played it from the most advantageous posts, but to little effect by reason of good

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An Account of His Majesty's Royal Camp near Dundalk Friday June The 19th, 1690

First on the right the Lord Dungan's regiment of dragoons consisting of eight troops at fifty men in a troop, 400 men.²⁵⁰

2. His Majesty's first troop of Guards under the command of the Earl of Dover, consisting of 200 private gentlemen, 2 lieutenants, 1 cornet, 1 guidon, 4 exangs,²⁵¹ [...] brigadiers, and 8 sub-brigadiers.

3. The second troop of Guards under the command of [...] in all respects answerable to the first.

4. The Duke of Tyrconnel's {ms folio 128b} Regiment of Horse, nine troops, 50 men each, in all 450.²⁵²

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5.²⁵³ The Royal Regiment of Foot Guards being twenty-six companies 80 in a company, 2,080 private men, besides officers. All well armed, clad in red lined with blue, their colours the royal colours of England St. George's cross and the arms of the four kingdoms.²⁵⁴

6. The Earl of Antrim's Regiment. Thirteen companies, 50 per company, 650 private men. Clothed in white lined with red. Their colours a red cross in a green field, in each quarter of the field a hand proper coming out of the clouds, holding a cross of Jerusalem or cross-crosslet gold, in the centre of the colours the Irish harp with a crown imperial with this motto In hoc signo vinces.²⁵⁵

7. The Lord Bellew's Regiment, thirteen companies, 62 men each, 806 private men. Their clothes red, lined in orange tawny. Their colours bendy black, and tawny or filamot on the top. Next the spear, a crown {ms folio 129a} imperial, and round it this motto Tout D'En Haut. In the centre the Irish harp and crown imperial. The colonel's colours has a small red cross patée for distinction.²⁵⁶

8. Gordon O'Neill's Regiment, thirteen companies, 62 men each, 806 private men. Clothed in red, lined white, faced red. The colours white in the centre, a bloody hand round it, this motto Pro Rege et Patria pugno, the colonel's next, the spear a red cross patée for distinction.²⁵⁷

9. The Lord of Louth's Regiment, thirteen companies as the last, {ms folio 129b} clothed white lined and faced filamot, the colours filamot plain the colonel, the others with a blue cross in the centre, a crown imperial with this motto Festina lente.²⁵⁸

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10. The Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, thirteen companies at 62 men each, 806 men, 39 corporals, 26 sergeants, 12 ensigns, 13 lieutenants, 11 captains, 1 major, 2 lieutenant-colonels, 13 besides [sic] officers in commission that have no companies, and such as are reformed, in all, [...]. Clothed in red lined white, all but the drums, who are blue with white and [...] loops. The Grenadier's white and red loops, their caps with a flaming city, and this {ms folio 130a} motto, The fruits of Rebellion. The colonel's colours white, the other two with the same device and motto as the Grenadiers' caps.²⁵⁹

These seven battalions of foot, with eight of French in all fifteen, made up the first line.

First line
dragoons two regiments . . . 800
horse . . . 1,700
foot fifteen battalions at 600 . . . 9,000
....................................................11,500
The second line equal to the first . . . 11,500
....................................................23,000
The reserve equal to half one of the lines[...] 5,250
....................................................28,250

APPENDIX

In Lambeth Library there is a MS., 711, no. 4, entitled The Irish Villany | Feelingly represented | By the Baron of Courthuy Rousele | With an exact account of all his Troubles, Sufferings, Losses and Dangers | During the Irish Wars And how Miraculously | He has Escap'd Hanging With many Remarkable and pleasant Passages Concerning the Irish And their Babylonicall Govert | Written in Dublin A[ordm ] 1692. | And Dedicated to ye Honble Trustees A[ordm ] 1700|. | It is beautifully written on foolscap size paper. Rousele begins his narrative with an account of his marriage in St. James' Church, London, in July 1686, to Mary Carteret, and he notes that his bride came to him ‘without a penny of portion.’ He tells how he settled first at Castle-hacket and then at Shrule in Mayo. On p. 16 there is a paragraph beginning ‘'Tis very well known that the Irish are a wild, stubborn, malicious, and cunning temper and constitution (the horses and cows are so too),’ a passage recalling Plato's description of the conduct of animals under a democratic government. Rousele declares that ‘Those that have described the humours of the natives would speak of the Irish in this manner. They are naturally strong, very nimble, haughty of spirit, silly in their discourses, careless of their lives, great admirers of their foolish and superstitious religion, which they neither understand nor follow, according to the canons of the Church of Rome: they are patient in cold and hunger, implacable in enmity, constant in love, light in belief, greedy of glory, great flatterers and dissemblers, stubborn as mules, great cheats in their dealings, ready to take an oath on all occasions, commonly great thieves, very barbarous when they have the upper hand, of a bloody temper, very unjust to their neighbours, breakers of their trust, mortal enemies to all those that are not of the Romish Religion, and ready to rebel against the English on all occasions. A fine description indeed of a nation.’ In reading this account we must remember the fact that the writer complains (p. 25) that he had been wronged and abused by Arthur French, Mayor of Galway, Captain Richard Martin, Sarsfield, and Lord Dillon: his

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Like a great contemporary who hated mankind but liked individual men, Rousele liked individual Roman Catholics though he hated their communion. When near Ross in County Wexford he described what he labelled ‘Ignorance and superstition of the Irish’:—
‘I could not forbear (seeing) so many unworthy and base actions which were daily committed against the poor English who lived quietly and inoffensively. I remember that sometimes after mass I did speak to them (i.e. the Irish) in this manner, Gentlemen you know very well King James by his Proclamations will have the English protected, and therefore you are obliged to use them well for your King's sake, and not wrong and affront them whenever you can. You take away all their substance, you make them to be rebels, as you call them, if they will or not, seeking all sorts of inventions to make them leave their habitations, that by those means, without making any opposition, you may make yourselves masters of what they have. And when they answered me that it was lawful to destroy disaffected people and Huguenots, I endeavoured as modestly and as civilly as I could to show them how much they were mistaken, and that their priests should burn in hell upon their account, because they did not thunder against them in their meetings, to make them sensible of their barbarous injustices, which great sin, I said, no priest could absolve without making restitution. If you were overpowered by the English, said I, and that they should use you as you use them now, would you not damn and curse them, and call them all the rogues and villains? I am sure you would not fail to say quod tibi non vis fieri, alteri ne feceris; and why then, said I, are you so cruel and unjust to your fellow Christians, who do nothing either to offend or provoke you?
[...]
This discourse and several others of the same nature, made one Mr. Wall (who was a very sensible man), say
[...]
I have heard our friars of Ross say that the Irish are the greatest

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