Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition
The journal of John Stevens, containing a brief account of the war in Ireland, 16891691 (Author: John Stevens)
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book 1
An Introduction to the Journal
{ms folio 1b}His Most Sacred Majesty having, through the infinite goodness, and providence of Almighty God, made his escape from Rochester,24 and the most happy news of his safe arrival, and kingly reception in France,25 being spread all over England: the small remainder of his loyal subjects (those few thousands who had not bowed their knees to Baal) either in their persons, or at least in their wishes hasted to follow him. Some through the great incumbrance of their families, others through want having been plundered of all their substance, others for fear of being burdensome to him in his exile, and lastly some in hopes of being more serviceable to him, when Providence should ordain his return, remained in {ms folio 2a} their more than Egyptian slavery. Yet a very considerable number gathering together the small remainders of their shipwreck, and laying aside all worldly considerations, having only before their eyes their duty and love to their sovereign, resolved to follow him through all hazards, in hopes of being instrumental in regaining his just rights. I shall ever esteem it the most glorious action of my life that I made myself one of this number, and cannot but be proud that in all the hardships, and misfortunes, which have attended this my tedious exile, I have never been dismayed, or given way to despair; but relied always on the justice of our cause, and all miseries have been easy to me in consideration of the happiness of my return home. To come closer to the matter, to wit my transactions after his Majesty's
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departure, it is to be observed, that though I immediately resolved to follow, yet through the difficulty of getting passes, and many other impediments, {ms folio 2b} I could not set forward till Friday, January the 11th, 1688/9. Yet before I proceed I cannot but look back as far as the original of all this country's and my own misfortunes, to wit, the time of the invasion. And by way of introduction make some remarks of what happened to me from that time, till I left England, in short as things have occurred to me upon penning this paper in haste. When the spirit of witchcraft, or rebellion (which the Scripture tells us are alike 26) had well possessed itself, and as it were fixed its abode in the hearts of most of His Majesty's dissembling (enthusiastic subjects, through the mediation of their Pharisaical teachers,27 at the time when men began to lament the danger of losing their religion, who were never known to be possessed of, or pretend to any, at this time was I employed in Wales in receiving His Majesty's revenue of excise there. Being in a public employment {ms folio 3a} and keeping much company, I could not but easily discern, how prone all were to mutter about breach of laws, and invading of religion, and it was plainly to be discerned, that many who said Well Well, thought very evil. This I found by long experience, yet the fear of punishment kept their tongues as well as hands within the limits of the law. The first hardened piece of insolence that I observed, was upon the news of the Seven Bishops28 being released, at which time in Welshpool in
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Montgomeryshire where I commonly resided, and many other places about, were made public bonfires in contempt of His Majesty's proclamation forbidding the same, or rather in defiance of his authority, through which those incendiaries were committed, and again set loose, to blow up that fire they had before left concealed, and which has since raged through these three miserable kingdoms. No sooner had {ms folio 3b} these (to use His Majesty's own phrase) seven trumpets of rebellion recovered their undeserved liberty, but they spread themselves through the kingdom, each taking his part, and sounding so loud that they drew after them, not only, their own insignificant flock, commonly distinguished by the name of Church of England men, but all the other herds of wild animals that ranged the vast forest of the English heresy and schism. So that it was wonderful to see so many monsters, so far different in nature, who but just before were devouring one another, in a moment so united, and linked together, only by the thirst and desire of satiating themselves with the blood of a king, and his few Catholic subjects. One of these seven champions of Satan, to wit Dr. Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph,29 took his progress through that part of the country where I was then employed, and it was most manifestly to be seen that every town he passed through received from him {ms folio 4a} the infection he came to spread, and all sorts of people sucked in the poison so greedily, that the country which before laboured under but some small symptoms of sedition, and could easily have been recovered, was now grown drunk with rebellion, and swelled to that height with the venomous contagion, that no antidotes were of strength enough to restore it. It was, immedicabile vuluus, ense recidendumOvid, Metamorphoses. , I. 1901.
, only to be cured by cutting off the infected parts, to prevent the sound from partaking in the contagion. This was the posture of affairs in
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Wales and generally throughout England, when I was obliged to go to London to settle my accounts. I found that city (which as it is the capital of the kingdom so has it ever been the head in all insurrections and treasons) no less modelled than its members, and most men either carried a tacit treason in their faces, or palliated in their words. Here I continued the space of three weeks, till the {ms folio 4b} news of the Dutch fleet having passed the Downs, and afterwards in sight of the Isle of Wight that ever accursed villain and ungrateful wretch, the Earl of Dartmouth, with the English fleet under his command never endeavouring to disturb or molest them.30 Alarmed with this news I thought fit to haste down to secure what part of His Majesty's interest I was entrusted with in Wales, and accordingly set out on Tuesday, the 6th of September, in the Shrewsbury coach, and on Wednesday the 7th at night I received a letter at Northampton, with the news of the Prince of Orange's landing at Torbay with 14,000 men on Monday the 5th of the eighth month. This made me the more earnest to be at my journey's end, yet arrived not at Welshpool till Monday the 12th, the coach having broken short of Shrewsbury, and keeping us a day extraordinary on the road. Being arrived I found the generality of the people began to be more open {ms folio 5a} hearted, and were not at all averse to the Prince of Orange or his designs, and thus it continued some days, the dispositions of the people being daily sounded by the leading men, and each preparing horse and arms under pretence of a militia for an insurrection. Till the false Lord Cornbury31 having openly taken to himself the title of traitor,
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by going over to the enemy with such as he had prepared, or ensnared, gave courage to many to rise, as did in Wales the Lord Herbert of Cherbury32 and with him Sir John Price and many more of note, followed at first by a few of their own tenants, and servants. These first secured Ludlow with a small number, but were soon reinforced from all parts of the country, fathers sending their sons, and masters their servants with their best horses and arms, giving out for fear of any misfortune that they ran away from them. What money of the king's was in my hands before I had taken care to return to London, and it being time {ms folio 5b} now again to receive the fresh duty I ordered it to be deferred knowing well that the rebels seized the king's money wherever they found it, and being satisfied they had the same design upon me. And having intelligence there was a design to seize my horses, I sent them by means of one Mr. Jones of Welshpool to Mr. Vaughan of Lludiaths whom I suspected and he afterwards proved as great a rebel as the rest, but at that time such men's houses only were safe. Yet I resolved to stay and see the extremity of things myself, knowing there were some under me, who designed to receive the king's duty, and wanted only my absence to authorize them in doing of it, and was resolved to expose myself rather than the king's authority should be made an instrument to receive his money to serve against himself. Which whilst I was in Welshpool was attempted in other parts of the country by one Search, a villain, who was supervisor under me, but I having timely notice by my letters prevented his malicious intent from taking effect. But I dwell too long upon {ms folio 6a} this subject, and to come closer to the point in hand, I continued here till such time as all the country round was in open rebellion, having taken arms, plundered several houses and, among the rest, one of Duke Powis 33 at
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Buttington, a mile from Welshpool, and committed several outrages, especially in destroying chapels in most places. Finding it was impossible to do the king any further service being hourly in danger of being seized and imprisoned by the rebels, I thought it convenient in time to withdraw. Accordingly having sent for my horses overnight, I left Welshpool in the morning early, and went, that day being Monday, to Wrexham in Denbighshire, twenty-four miles from Welshpool, knowing the road to London was every way beset, and that it was impossible for me to avoid being examined and secured, both as being well known, and obliged in conscience not to deny my religion, which was cause enough then to rob, and secure me. The next day, Tuesday, I left Wrexham and went to Holywell in Flintshire, still northward and from {ms folio 6b} London, and finding the country very peaceable, and that no injury was offered to us, but the people continued in their obedience, without so much as a thought of rising at least in appearance, I continued four days with great satisfaction, hoping the king had yet some good subjects, and all was not lost. The last of these four days, being Saturday, came the news that His Majesty with the queen and prince, were privately withdrawn from Whitehall, and it was thought were gone into France. The company I then kept were four or five priests, and though at first we seemed not to believe, yet finding a confirmation from all hands of the truth of this report, we were as it were thunderstruck, till coming out of our amazement every one began to consider which way best to shift for himself. One of the priests desired me to stay and he would secure himself and me among his friends in the country, but having taken a resolution immediately to follow His Majesty's fortunes, I prepared to take my journey next morning. Some hopes I had that Chester still held for the king, being told before the Lord Molyneux34 had secured it with Gage's Regiment,
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and some Irish Dragoons {ms folio 7a} and that there were lately landed 3,000 men out of Ireland, but I was soon undeceived and found Gage's Regiment and the Dragoons had been disarmed, the city being secured by the major for the Prince of Orange, and the Irish recruits being only many ships full of women and children that fled from Ireland for fear of chimerical massacres. I entertained thoughts of going over to Ireland to serve the king there, but was soon dashed with a false report, that the Lord Deputy had been seized upon, and delivered the sword to the Lords Granard,35 Mountjoy,36 and others. So that the only way left was to London and thence follow His Majesty; in order to which on Sunday morning I rode over the sands to Chester, which is thirteen miles from Holywell and fearing to be stopped there ordered one Mr. Cole, a Protestant, who went with me as a friend, not to call me by my own name. At Chester I alighted at the posthouse, having found the gates of the city locked, and much difficulty to get in, but the first thing the Postmaster asked my friend was whether he knew one Mr. Stevens that
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was employed in Montgomeryshire, meaning myself, and my friend as readily denied having any knowledge of me {ms folio 7b} yet this gave me cause to apprehend danger, and to avoid suspicion I thought fit not to leave the house, but dining there was known by some passengers who came out of Ireland yet they could not hit upon my name. Thus I spent the day with many apprehensions, being known by several, whom still I shifted off, and took a place in the coach for London by a false name, not daring ride my own horses for fear they should be taken from me on the road, and give occasion of securing me. On Monday morning having recommended my horses to my friend I set out in company with two women who fled from Ireland, and a disbanded lieutenant of Colonel Gage's Regiment. This night we lay at Whitchurch, where as soon as alighted we were examined by some of the watchmen of the town who were in arms, and these were easily satisfied and left us; but as the lieutenant and I (understanding our circumstances to be alike) were going to bed came up another parcel of the same sort of rabble governed by a hot-headed nonsensical young fellow who gave us much trouble, and could not be satisfied but that we were dangerous men and ought to be secured, till our landlord taking him down with difficulty convinced him by {ms folio 8a} the powerful argument of much ale and brandy. Tuesday morning early we set out and baited37 at Newport, where we again suffered persecution at the hands of our ignorant examiners. Here we met with one that was a steward or some such sort of instrument to the Earl of Macclesfield,38 who, having seated himself among the rabble that came to examine us, perplexed us more than all the rest, and had quite daunted my fellow sufferer, and almost put me to a stand, till on a sudden he confessed he only asked those
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questions out of curiosity being no justice of the peace, which taking hold of I replied, he did very ill to put us to all that trouble without reason or authority, and that he must expect no further answer from me till he could show his authority to examine. Wine and ale reconciled our differences and all being well composed we set out with our new fellow traveller, whom at first I thought there was more reason to fear than our chance enemies on the road, but was soon rid of my apprehensions. For no sooner were we seated in the coach, but our fugitive Irish zealots lamenting the imaginary calamities of their Protestant brethren in Ireland, he took thence occasion to rail at His Majesty's government, not naming him, {ms folio 8b} but stabbing his reputation, through the sides of his counsellors, to justify the Prince of Orange's invasion and extol the successful rebellion of His Majesty's ever perverse subjects. Not able to bear with so much insolence, and laying aside all thoughts of the danger I exposed myself to in opposing the prevailing party, I very freely replied to all he said, in such manner that though it be impossible without a miracle to convince an old hardened rebel as he was, yet I left him nothing more to say for his cause. At this time the rumour of the Irish burning and murdering all before them, which had been maliciously spread on purpose for the destruction of the Catholics, had prevailed, and people dreamed of nothing but blood and massacres, the very forgers of the lie having told it so often that they believed it themselves. My antagonist was not void of his share in this fear, whereupon finding he could not prevail on me with his arguments he thought good to compound, and telling me he knew well I was a Papist, and that he loved no good man the worse for his religion, and therefore would agree, if I would defend him against the Irish in case we met them, he would carry me safe to London notwithstanding all the watches and guards that were on the road to examine passengers. Though I found this to be a very {ms folio 9a} advantageous offer to me being in continual danger of being stopped by every impertinent constable, or watchman, and knowing there is no surer way to avoid being robbed than to make a friend of the highwayman; yet having found
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his blind side I would not show him mine, and therefore with much indifference I thanked him for his kind offer, telling him I stood not in need of any assistance to carry me through the world having done nothing that I was ashamed of, or afraid to answer, but that not being used to converse with the rabble, nor acquainted with the nonsense of their dialect, he would do me a favour to keep them from me, and to requite the obligation I engaged to protect and defend him against all the wild Irish in the kingdom. Thus agreed we came to the Four Crosses, where we lay this night, and it being a lone place where there are but three or four houses, we had no trouble from our learned examiners, the Mobile, under the title of Constable and Watch. Here I found the Earl of Castlemaine39 and Mr. Thomas Price of Llanvilling, a Montgomeryshire gentleman, with whom I had been before acquainted, they were both privately going to the house of the latter, thinking to be there private. I told them the danger the country being in arms, and showed no {ms folio 9b} safety could be expected there, yet they thought their own course best, but no sooner was I arrived at London, than I heard what I had told them proved true, which was that the said Earl was in Shrewsbury Gaol. Wednesday we baited at Castle Bromwich, and lay at Coventry meeting with no trouble for what there was, my fellow traveller according to contract took upon himself and answered to the mayor of the town for both. We heard some of the distressed unarmed Irish had been in this town on their way to Chester and kindly received by the inhabitants, but commanded back to London by order from the Prince of Orange. Thursday night we lay at Northampton,
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Friday at Dunstable, and Saturday came safe to London. At Highgate I first saw some of the Prince of Orange's foreigners, who quartered and kept guard there and next found them possessed of all the guards in London. I found the face of affairs quite altered, the usurper in quiet possession of the Royal Palaces, the rebellious subjects rejoicing in their new government, some stickling for their ever admired idol of a commonwealth, others to set up their Jeroboam and adore their Golden Calf, whilst the distressed loyalists either fled their barbarous country, or groaned under the slavery of {ms folio 10a} their inhuman governors. Nothing was more frequently heard than villanous reflections on their Most Sacred Majesties and Royal Highness to such a height of impudence, that the very relating of it would breed horror in a moral heathen much more in Christians, whom their faith obliges not only to obey but reverence their superiors, especially kings who are God's Vicegerents, who tell us By him they reign and decree justice, and not by authority of the rabble, as our new pseudo-evangelists would persuade us.40 The calamities of the royal party and an earnest desire of serving His Majesty made me impatient to quit the kingdom. Therefore never regarding
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the difficulties that obstructed his return, or the hardships and miseries I might endure in a country, where my sovereign was only upon courtesy, I resolved as soon as possible to leave father, friends, ease, and country to bear my part in his fortunes.
{ms folio 10b}
The Journal
Friday the 11th of January 1688/9 about two of the clock afternoon I embarked at Billingsgate stairs on a Deal hooker bound for Deal, the wind at north-west. There were on board between forty and fifty passengers, whereof about twelve or fourteen gentlemen, the rest private soldiers all on the same account, flying the Prince of Orange's usurpation, and our fellow subjects' most unparalleled rebellion. We had many spectators on the shore, but civiller than what others on the like occasion had found. Sailing down we had some scoffs cast upon us from other boats as we passed, but no stop or trouble till about seven at night, when we met with abundance of ice, and that very thick. Still we made the best of our way, the wind blowing a fresh gale, till about eight, when it grew very dark, and there being no seamen aboard, but the master who was almost blind, and a little boy, we ran aground about two miles within Gravesend, where we lay about three-quarters of an hour, and then the water flowing brought us off. We kept on with great difficulty by reason of the great flakes of ice the tide drove up and, having happily escaped being stopped or examined at Gravesend, by the help of the darkness were again aground about eleven of the clock three miles below the town, where we lay all night.
Saturday the 12th in the morning at high water we floated again, and, nothing remarkable happening, cast anchor that night at the buoy in the Nore amidst the rebellious English fleet, the false Lord Dartmouth then riding admiral there. Within an hour the said lord sent his lieutenant aboard of us to see our passes; he was very civil, and not too exact {ms folio 11a} or rigid, and went away satisfied. However about twelve of the clock, though it was very dark, and somewhat rough, we thought it better to commit ourselves to the mercy of the
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sea, than rely any longer on the courtesy of the rebellious fleet.
Sunday the 13th: the morning proved excessive cold with much snow and the darkness was such that we knew not how to avoid the sands, and about three of the clock were the third time aground, about three leagues within Margate, on a hard sand with an ebbing water, so that there was little likelihood of getting off, and, the wind blowing very fresh, though not stormy, the vessel beat violently on the bank for near half an hour, to the great terror of us all, expecting either that or the next ebb at farthest to be lost. Thus we all betook ourselves to prayers. After a while one Mr. Usher that had been lieutenant at sea, spying the light of a ship at a great distance from {ms folio 11b} us, heaved all things out of our cockboat, and put her over the side of the vessel, pretending to go to the other ship to bring us assistance, and inquire where we were, for our master was wholly ignorant, and fancied it was Sandwich Bay, whereas next day we found we were not near it. But Mr. Usher's real intention was to save himself, and consequently leaped the first into the boat, three others presently following him; I seeing all throng to the ship side, fearing the boat would be sunk, would not attempt to get into it, but resigned myself to God's Will, and resolved to take my fortune in the vessel. The fourth man leaping into the boat from the deck put her away from the side of the vessel, and she drove off without oars, or sail, the tide carrying her violently away in a minute, so that we gave them for lost, having only just heard them cry out for oars, when it was out of our power to assist them. How sadly we passed the rest of the night {ms folio 12a} may be imagined, between the compassion for our (as we imagined) lost companions, and the apprehensions of being lost ourselves, yet compared with them we thought ourselves in much the better condition. When day appeared we found all about us for above a mile dry except some little channels not a foot deep: whereupon I advised the master to carry out an anchor before the water rise towards the channel, that might bring about the head of the vessel at high water, for the wind was almost in our stern,
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and ahead high banks of sand, the channel on the starboard side and to windward so that without some help it was impossible to bring her about when she began to float. This advice as all other he slighted. About half flood the vessel began to beat on the sand, without any probability of getting off, but on the contrary was driven by the wind upon the higher banks which were right ahead of us. {ms folio 12b} Then the master began to wish his anchor had been out, but in vain, having no boat to carry it with, till one Captain Mullins, a passenger, with much ado persuaded him to keep her head to windward with two very long oars there happened to be aboard, which with much pain and trouble at length brought her into the channel. This was no small joy to all the disconsolate company, so we set sail, having now only the compassion for our lost companions to afflict us. When we had run about three leagues and were right against Margate, we spied a boat making towards us from a great ship that lay off; our hearts dictated good hopes, and the boat coming aboard brought our four till then lost companions, whom having received with much joy we prosecuted our voyage. But the manner of their escape was by means of Mr. Usher, who being a seaman studied the means to drive the boat towards shore, but having neither oars nor sail, endeavoured {ms folio 13a} to pull up the seats, and failing of that, they being too fast, at length he found a broomstaff upon which as a mast he fixed his own coat, putting a cane one of the company had through the arms instead of a yard, one holding the broomstaff and two the ends of the coat, and thus he steered as much as he could towards the shore, till day appearing they discovered the aforesaid ship, which being hailed sent out her pinnace, carried them aboard, and treated them civilly, from whence spying our vessel they were sent to us as has been above related. About the North Foreland, notwithstanding all our persuasions, our blind pilot stood in so close to the shore, that having of our own accord cast the lead, we found but half a foot more water than the vessel drew, and were still standing in to the shoal water, where if we had touched all must inevitably have perished, so we stood off again; and cast anchor before Deal about
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three in the afternoon. Here to our great {ms folio 13b} admiration, we were quietly received without the least affront or reflection thrown upon us.
Monday the 14th: we continued at Deal, endeavouring to persuade the master of the same hooker that brought us to carry us to Calais; we used all our endeavours, but could not at first prevail so that some of the company were for going to Dover, which I was utterly against, knowing what multitude of people flocked thither to be transported, and being informed of the barbarous usage most of them received there. At night having very well treated the master of the vessel and his wife, we agreed to find fifteen passengers, who should give him ten shillings a man for their passage in hand and he to make what he could besides, and to sail next day, which was the hardest to obtain, but at length we concluded on it. Yet I cannot but once more remark that though we continued there a whole day and walked about the town, we were {ms folio 14 a} very civilly used everywhere without the least insolency being offered to us, as was to many others.
Tuesday the 15th: we embarked about noon, the vessel being ashore, and about two sailed, the wind at north-west, that night came to an anchor in Calais road, not daring to venture in in the dark. The night proved very favourable, being calm but very cold, and the number of passengers was so great in proportion to the vessel that there was not room for us all to sit much less to lie under deck, and were forced to walk great part of the night in the cold air. Beside we had so little forecast as not to put aboard anything either to eat or drink, which proved no small punishment though the time was short, being most of us very hungry and thirsty.
Wednesday the 16th (st. vet. and 26th st. no.): 41 in the morning boats came off from Calais, it being then ebb so that the vessel could not get in. We went ashore being carried out
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of the boats on men's backs, {ms folio 14b} and landed about a mile from the town. Without the Watergate we were stopped by the guard, and kept near two hours in the rain, for the town major to come to view us: at length he came.42 The first thing he proposed to us was to give in our names, the king having provided that all soldiers should be put into Routes?43 I understood not this word then, but having afterwards found the benefit of it think it not amiss in this place to give an account of it, which is thus. When any parties march through the peaceable part of France, there is a Route assigned them, which is an order from the king specifying the number of soldiers and officers with their respective qualities; every day's march is assigned and quarters allotted them in every town. Sometimes their billets run for free quarter and in this case the king allows their landlords the established rates for maintaining every man in the taxes he is to pay and billets are received as money. In other places he gives them pay, and then only
lodging and dressing of meat {ms folio 15a} is required of the landlord: and lastly where towns are not capable of furnishing such numbers, the king has commissaries called Tapiés44 who are bound to furnish each soldier with a pound of flesh, one of bread, and a quart of wine; ensigns have three men's allowance, lieutenants four, and captains six, and in many places forage for officers' horses. What the king allows in money to his own
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subjects I know not, but with us it was fivepence to a foot soldier, tenpence to horse, two shillings and one penny to an ensign, two shillings and sixpence a lieutenant, and six shillings and eightpence a captain per diem, but upon free quarter or receiving meat this money is not allowed.45
The people, being much used to the rudeness of the French soldiers, I found very willing to be rid of us and would give a captain a crown to be rid of him though but for one night and so proportionable to all others, for a longer or shorter time, the custom being to make every third or at most each fourth day a day of rest. Thus much by way of digression as to the meaning of the Route. {ms folio 15b} Not understanding this then and fearing that whosoever gave in his name was as good as listed into the French service, I would by no means hearken to it, my intention being only to follow my own sovereign's fortunes and by him to live and die. Hereupon I told the town major, there were several soldiers there might perhaps embrace his proposal, but there were about a dozen gentlemen of us there who desired to make the best of our way after the king at our own expense. We had much ado to satisfy him in this point, he pressing still to have us take the benefit of the Route, which
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we absolutely refused, being resolved not to give in our names till we had seen our king and received his commands. After keeping us an hour longer in the rain (though weary enough with our foregoing ill night's lodging), he would have conducted us through the town with a guard of musketeers, pleading his king's order for so doing, by reason of the great number of English that daily resorted thither. In fine he conveyed all the company into the lower town or suburb, except me and three more, who struck off from his guard and took a lodging at an inn in {ms folio 16a} the town. The remainder of this day and
Thursday the 27th (st. no.) I spent in viewing the town, which is small and hath not anything very remarkable. The chief thing are the fortifications, which are in part new, and still more works carrying on. In the evening word was brought that the town major ordered all English gentlemen to retire into the suburbs, which I obeyed for that night in hopes of getting away the next morning by water to St. Omer, and so went out of town an extraordinary dirty way over a great field, which divides the town and suburb, which is also excessive dirty and has but little accommodation at best, much less then being very full of English. With much difficulty I found a lodging and lay there that night, but
Friday the 28th: to go on with the style of the country, returning to town in the morning I was stopped by the sentry at the gate, there being many at the same time waiting there, and having stayed a while till an officer was called, he with
difficulty let me and three other gentlemen in. We {ms folio 16b} spent most of our time in seeking conveniency to go to Paris, but such was the throng that coaches and horses were bespoke many days beforehand, and lodgings and provisions were risen to an excessive rate which made all men endeavour to fly the town the sooner. This night I continued in town.
Saturday the 29th: meeting with the Lord Buchan46 and several other Scotch gentlemen, we agreed with a boat to
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carry us the next day to St. Omer, and in order to it I lay that night in the suburb near the water side.
Sunday the 30th: in the morning we went aboard a boat, carrying no provision as being told we had but eight leagues to St. Omer, and the boat to be drawn by horses. About half way we met much ice, and were told the channel was quite closed up a little farther. We were therefore obliged to strike off into the channel that comes from Dunkirk, which was clear, but by this means we had farther to go about than we had at first setting {ms folio 17a} out from Calais. That night we were forced to stay at a miserable village, where there were no beds but good clean straw, and scarce anything to eat, which made us very earnest to be gone the sooner, and accordingly
Monday the 31st: we returned to the boat about three in the morning, and having gone about two leagues were again stopped, the floods having been so great that the water was too high at a bridge we came to for the boat to go through. The night being excessive cold I went ashore to seek some fire at two or three poor houses by the bridge, and the first there was neither fire nor fuel, and having with much difficulty, by reason of the darkness and dirtiness of the way, got over to another I found five or six poor women warming themselves at a little straw, having nothing else to burn. There we sat awhile to refresh our joints that were almost benumbed with cold, and when day appeared returned to the boat. The water falling a little, with much difficulty the boat was forced through. Having gone {ms folio 17b} about a league farther came to another bridge, which being also too full of water the boat's head struck against a piece of timber whereon the planks lay and broke it, which caused the neighbouring boors to stop the boat to pay for repairing the damage. After a long dispute and almost alarming the country they agreed, and so we went on for near two leagues when we struck out of this cut channel into the river of St. Omer, and then no longer could be drawn by horses, but hoisted sail, and as our good fortune ordered it the wind was fair, and we sailed till about three in the afternoon we arrived at Watou, and were forced to stop some time to satisfy the customhouse officers. Here
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on the top of a hill stands the famous house and church of the English Jesuits of St. Omer, which we only saw from the bottom having no time to go up.47 We soon sailed again having two leagues to St. Omer, where we arrived just at night, and were carried before the major of the suburb, who was very obliging and directed us to the best inn {ms folio 18a} there, the gates of the town, being then shut. It is remarkable that all this way we came the country is very plain, and was for the most part overflowed and frozen over insomuch that many of the poor country people's houses were rendered inaccessible, the frost not being thick enough to bear. Some cottages were destroyed, and the most considerable houses had broken the ice, and had boats at their doors with ladders to their windows, their lower floors being full of water.
Tuesday the 1st of February (sti. no.): I continued at St. Omer, which is a very fine city having large and handsome streets, the buildings generally good and several stately churches.48 Here the English Jesuits have a very magnificent college newly built of stone, but not yet quite finished. The great market place is large and beautiful; the walls and outworks of the town of a considerable strength. The river runs up to the gates, on each side of which is a very fine quay for the vessels that come up. But the most remarkable thing is that the {ms folio 18b} inhabitants of the one side can by no means be persuaded to marry or contract any alliance with those of the other; nay, they will scarce trade or have any commerce with them, and yet they do not pretend to give any reason that ever I could learn for this.49 Having in vain sought most part of this day for some conveniency to go to Amiens, all being taken up by the multitude of English that resorted to
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this town, and people of the best quality being content to give any rates for wagons. At length the Lord Buchan, Lieutenant Hickford, Lieutenant Usher, Lieutenant Macculla, Ensign Ferjuson and I agreed for twenty crowns for a cart to carry us the next day.
Wednesday the 2nd of February (to go on with the style of the country): about eight in the morning we saw a narrow long cart hooped over and covered with an oiled cloth, in which there was not room for us without our portmanteaus, so that to make room for them, after crowding four into the cart, two were forced to sit upon the horses that drew. In this manner we set out, and went three leagues of good way, most of it paved, to Aire, a small {ms folio 19a} but neat town, walled and well fortified, where we stayed no longer than to refresh ourselves, and then went on two or three of us always afoot, as we did till we came to Amiens. This night we lay at Auchel, a little village three leagues from Aire, where were only three poor inns, which not being capable of entertaining the great number of people that travelled that way, the greater part lay upon straw. These three leagues the way was very deep and hilly, the soil a stiff clay.
Thursday the 3rd: went to St. Pol which is but four leagues, there being no conveniency to lodge farther, unless we went six leagues which, our way of travelling, could not be performed that day. This is a pretty good town now somewhat decayed: it has been fortified, whereof at present only the memory remains in an old ruined wall. There are here four little churches. I went to see the monastery of the Carmelites, wherein I found nothing remarkable but that they received and treated us with much civility; as did also a sort of religious women, who have here a house and church {ms folio 19b} and whose profession is to assist the sick.
Friday the 4th: travelled six leagues to Doullens, a good little town; but coming in at night I could remark nothing in it but one good church and the inn where I lodged, which was very magnificent in its rooms, being very large and extraordinary well furnished. The town in a bottom enclosed by very high hills.
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Saturday the 5th: we arrived at Amiens, which is eight leagues from Doullens, were conducted to the governors, who soon dispatched us. All this road from Aire is very bad, deep, and a stiff clay, insomuch that walking as for the most part I did, by reason of the smallness and uneasiness of our cart, so much dirt stuck to the shoes I could scarce many times lift my feet. For it is generally a very fat soil, yet mixed with a small sand, which binds it together like lime, the way all between arable land, but not separated by any hedges or otherwise, the country being all open without any distinction of fields or enclosures, not any banks, ditches or scarce a tree. Only about the towns and villages there is some wood, but no more ground enclosed than just serves {ms folio 20a} for their gardens and orchards. The people for the most part are extremely poor, and consequently their villages very inconsiderable, and such as afford little or no accommodation for travellers.
At Amiens I continued Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, the 6th, 7th and 8th. Most of which time was spent in seeing that city, to give a particular account whereof would require a much longer stay there and might afford matter for a particular work. To be short it is a very fine city and much beyond any I have seen in England, except London, as are many other cities of France. The streets are large and well paved, the buildings lofty and sightly, the number of churches very considerable, whereof I saw many. The cathedral is very magnificent, large and well built, all the front covered with images of stone: there is an ascent of about twelve or fourteen steps to the gate.50 Just within on the right hand is an image of St. Christopher with our Saviour on his shoulders, of {ms folio 20b} a prodigious bigness. In this church I saw a skull, which is kept in great veneration, being esteemed to be that of
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St. John the Baptist.51 The steeple is large, but the spire upon it so little that it is only remarkable for the disproportion it bears to so sumptuous a building.52 Just at the bottom of the steps of this church stands another dedicated to St. Joseph, but in it nothing remarkable. The nuns they call of the Paraclete have a church small and neat, but which deserves to be taken notice of as being very curiously painted both roof and walls, which they say was all done by the nuns. In the middle of the roof is our Saviour crucified, which seems to look upon a man below, whatever part of the church he stands in. There is a church of St. Denis, not worthy of note, but for its churchyard, which is a large square with a cloister about it; on most of the graves are iron or wooden crosses and all about great heaps of skulls and {ms folio 21a} other bones. The Dominicans' church is large, but of no extraordinary structure, and so the rest. Here is an hospital that will contain above 200 sick very well attended, but one much larger and fairer is building, and near finished. The citadel is not considerable, nor did I here remark anything else fit for this place.53
Wednesday the 9th: we set out for Paris, sixteen of us in a thing they call a coach; in England it would pass for a wagon, only the covering is more like that of a coach. This day we travelled seven leagues to Breteuil, a good small town plentiful enough of all accommodations. The road though bad was not so deep as before, the country more enclosed, and pleasanter than the last we came through, but what added to it was that our coach was much easier than the cart we had to Amiens.
Thursday the 10th: we made seven leagues more to Clermont, a large and beautiful town, which I believe takes its name from its situation, being on a {ms folio 21b} high hill visible at a great distance, and from the valley affords a very pleasant prospect; the hill being very steep the ascent is round it, and the way at the bottom for a considerable space is narrow with a deep ditch on each side.
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Friday the 11th: seven leagues to Lucheux, which is a good small town and has convenient inns, though not like the last. The country about is hilly and this stands on a small hill. The road is pleasant, being gravelly, and on both sides are many vineyards, which produce good grapes, but yield a very small wine.
Saturday the 12th: baited at St. Denis, seven leagues distant from Lucheux, and two from Paris. It is but a small town, but in it that most famous and stately church from which I believe the town takes its name, being the burial place not only of St. Denis the patron but of many kings of France, and most worthy of admiration for the unknown value of its treasure.54 The valley wherein it stands is very large, plain and beautiful, being full of many small but well built {ms folio 22a} towns, which render it extraordinary pleasant; the road through it is all causeway, and the fields are so stored with partridges that they run in great numbers along by the road none daring to shoot or take them.55 This evening we arrived at Paris of which place I will not attempt to give any account, it being too great a subject for my pen, and my stay there too short to render me capable of it. Here I continued Sunday and Monday.
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Tuesday the 15th: I took coach for St. Germains, where both their Majesties with the Prince of Wales then kept their court. It is four leagues from Paris, the way most sandy and causeway, but a little hilly. On the left of the road stands a house of the king's, called Madrid. St. Germains stands upon a hill, the ascent very steep, the town is capable of entertaining a great court, the palace large and beautiful, but not regular; many new buildings are begun about it.56 The gardens are divided into pleasant walks, but nothing extraordinary in them: the most remarkable is a {ms folio 22b} walk and horse way along the side of the hill about a mile long, where turning off upon the left the way leads into the forest, and there to a fine little pleasure house.57 But this as all the other palaces of France have been already described by many and my intention is only a bare memoir of my travels, not a description of the country. My life here was not so settled or pleasant to give me leisure or desire to view and give an account of what I saw, but such as can be imagined of a poor banished man, full of many cares and hardships, which I had been but little inured to before, having amidst all my misfortunes no other comfort but that of a just cause, remembering that Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter iustitiam,58 and a sense of loyalty towards the best of princes, whom I saw flying the most general and barbarous rebellion the world has seen, except what the same people had shown in this unparalleled monarch's father's day, wherein he was so considerable a sufferer {ms folio 23a} being so many years banished, as is well known. The sufferings of my king in his exile, the dangers of my father mother and brethren whom I had left in the power of my inhuman countrymen, and my own condition in a strange country without any friends but such as were under my own circumstances, were causes sufficient to produce care and trouble to the most insensible of men. And if hitherto I seem
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not to have endured much hardship and fatigue, the following part of my exile will show I have not wanted my part in most sort of sufferings. Here and in Paris I continued till
Thursday the 24th of February: being the first Thursday in Lent, when finding most of my friends were gone before on their way to Brest, in several routes, I having stayed till this time in hopes of a bill of exchange from England. Finding none come and fearing to be left behind, when the rest were shipped for Ireland in order to serve the king there, I went this afternoon to Paris, where I took a place with the messenger, to go the {ms folio 23b} next day for Orleans, being in haste to overtake my friends that were gone before, and ambitious to be among the first that went over to serve His Majesty in Ireland.
Friday the 25th: in the morning I left Paris in company with Major O'Regan, Captain Fortescue and two more; on the road my Lord Hunsdon joined us and travelled this day fourteen leagues; four to Orsay, four to Ernée, and six to Étampes, a good town where we lay this night.59
Saturday the 26th: we set out very early, and went through to Orleans being twenty leagues: six to Outarville,60 four to Toury, where we baited, four thence to Artenay, and thence six to Orleans. This road is generally deep in winter, wherefore for the conveniency of travellers there is a continued causeway from Paris to Orleans broad enough for coaches, and well kept in repair, but for horse great part of the way is good all the year. This manner of travelling with the messenger,
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I think, is not used anywhere but in France, and is without doubt one of the greatest conveniences in the world. {ms folio 24a} There are set rates so that they dare not ask the greatest stranger more than is appointed, and at that price the messenger is bound to furnish travellers with able horses, and if any fail on the road to find fresh ones: he is also to provide them diet and lodging, which is always ready at their common stages, and proportionable to the number of guests. There is a plentiful table, good wine, and as much as they will drink till the cloth is taken off, very good beds, rooms well furnished, and fire in winter. So that whoever travels this way needs be at no expense upon the road and is free from trouble, all things being provided as decent and plentifully as may satisfy the most curious and persons of most considerable quality.
Sunday the 27th: I continued at Orleans, which is a very beautiful city, well built after the ancient manner. Here are many large churches, which I cannot much commend for their structure or ornament, the churches in France being generally inferior to those of Flanders. The cathedral is very large and well {ms folio 24b} built, but only part of the choir is in use, the rest having been defaced and almost ruined by the Huguenots, and not yet repaired.61 The Jesuits' is large and the richest for ornaments, the Dominicans' and Franciscans' large but mean. Over the river Loire is a beautiful stone bridge, adorned with a large crucifix, with the king kneeling on the right and Joan of Arc, commonly called the Maid of Orleans, on the left, as a memorial of their success under her against the English, who burnt her as a witch, the French to this day paying reverence to her as a saint.
Monday the 28th: after noon we embarked upon the Loire in large flat-bottomed boats, about 100 passengers in each. These vessels have no deck, but were covered over with slit deal set up like the ridge of a house. With us were put into every boat hogsheads of wine, beef boiled and roast, and
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bread for four days. The river is very wide but extraordinary shallow, unless just the channel, which runs winding and is very difficult to hit, and our boats were so long and unwieldy, and had but two or three men each to manage them, that the two first days we made not much way, being very often run aground and spending much time {ms folio 25a} in getting off; at night sometimes we anchored and sometimes made way. This river is one of the most delightful places in the world, at least far the pleasantest that ever I saw for so great an extent, what I saw from Orleans to Nantes being eighty-six leagues. There are several beautiful towns upon its banks as Blois, Tours, Saumur, [gap: extent: 6 to 7 letters] and several other places of less note. I can give no account of them in particular, having only been ashore at Blois, and that not above one hour at midnight. In general they make a fine prospect to the water, and have very fair bridges over the river, under which the current is so rapid that it is dangerous to pass, especially for such unwieldy boats as ours were. The violence of the stream at the bridge of Saumur carried one of our boats in which were above 100 passengers first against a stone wall, and then it struck at the bridge, which much disabled the vessel and gave such a crack that many of the passengers, thinking she would have sunk, leaped over, whereof the greatest part were drowned to the number of fourteen or fifteen, as was {ms folio 25b} thought, though none could tell the certain number. The country along the banks of the river is full of pleasant seats, and both sides so well peopled that it looks almost like one continued street for several leagues, only divided by pleasant gardens and vineyards. But the most curious thing of all is to see many thousands of little houses and some very considerable ones, dug out from the sides of the hills and rocks, there being scarce any materials used to the building of their walls but what nature herself has there placed, the rooms being cut out of the sides of the hills, the front only has some addition. Even with every floor and on the very tops of their houses are pleasant gardens and vineyards, and trees of a considerable bulk grow on them. Only the front of these houses generally is to be seen, the other parts being buried underground and
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nothing but the tops of chimneys discernible on the hills.
Monday the 28th: as was said before, we embarked upon this river, and continued Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday; the day, the weather {ms folio 26a} being fair and the country so diverting, passed away easily, but the nights were very cold, and we had no accommodation for lying.
Friday the 4th of March: late at night with much difficulty we obtained leave to land at Nantes, where we continued Saturday and Sunday. This is a very good harbour and commonly well stored with ships, its trade to most parts of Europe being very considerable, the most noted commodity which takes name from the place is brandy.62 The city reaches a great length along the water with very good buildings, being merchants, and storehouses. It has a good bridge, and many considerable churches, especially the cathedral, which is large and beautiful.63 It is a bishopric and university very plentiful of all provisions, and well stored with all things, either for necessary use or luxury, which it affords at moderate rates. This was the first place where I received the benefit of the Route, which was the same as free quarters, being diet and lodging, only the billet mentioned a captain's allowance not to exceed four livres or 6s. 8d. per diem, a lieutenant's {ms folio 26b} 3s. 4d. and an ensign 2s. 6d., which rates, as provisions are there, are competent to live plentifully. Here I had a captain's billet and continued to be treated as such all the way, being entered as such by the king's order under Major Ingram, who commanded a Route, and was my friend. Other boats came in on Saturday and Sunday, which well stocked the city with the king's subjects, and the country small towns not being fit to entertain so great a number, it was ordered we that came first should march on Monday, the others to follow in several bodies. This is the first town we were in of Brittany, and lies upon the very borders of that province.
Monday the 7th: we marched to Savenay, seven leagues from Nantes, the leagues in Brittany are very long64 and it
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proved a tedious journey to many of us who were forced to march afoot and were but little accustomed to that way of travelling. The road was generally good and the weather very fair; in some bottoms only we found boggy ground which tired us extremely. In all this way there is never a town, but two very poor villages, where nevertheless we found some refreshment. The way was so tedious or some of us such bad travellers that we made it ten {ms folio 27a} of the clock at night before we reached Savenay extremely tired, and very few had beds though it was my good fortune to get one. Our company being very great, and this but a mean place, most houses had four, six or eight quartered upon them, the houses were but ordinary, and the people generally poor.
Tuesday the 8th: we marched two leagues to Donges; this was very plain and good, about the middle of it is a small inlet from the sea, very wide, but runs not far up, so that there is a way about, and a shorter over a ferry. Not having time to recover the former day's weariness and my feet being very sore, I found this day's march though so short extreme tiresome. Donges is so small that we were forced to lie twelve or fourteen in a house, with little accommodation, and had no provision but what the king's commissary, whom they call the Tapié, had made for us. The Tapié goes before all such as march by way of the Route, and, having an account of their number and quality, provides meat, bread and wine for them, allowing a captain six rations or men's proportion, a lieutenant {ms folio 27b} four, and an ensign three. This method is used either where provision is not to be found for such a number as the Route contains, or in privileged towns that are exempted from providing anything but lodging to such as quarter in them.
Wednesday the 9th: to Herbignac seven leagues, where we continued Thursday the 10th, as the general custom is after two or three days' march to make a séjour, or day of rest at the most convenient town on the road. Herbignac is a good town, but inferior to many in Brittany.
Friday the 11th: it was designed we should march to Ambon, but when we were within a league of it the commissary, that always went with us, sent word the townspeople
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were all fled for fear of us and therefore ordered we should be dispersed into the neighbouring villages. Though the disorders committed by some of our men were great, yet I cannot conceive so considerable a place as this was should be left waste at the approach of two or three hundred unarmed, banished men, whose whole dependence was then {ms folio 33a} upon that country and their king. But these commissaries there as in all other countries make the most of their employments, so ours, it may be believed, for some good consideration from the town, gave out they were fled and scattered us to quarter in the country, for marching through next day we found all people undisturbed in their houses. Major Ingram's and Major Fountain's Routes in the first of which I was marched to a village called Kervoyal by the seaside, a very mean place being the abode of only a few poor fishermen. It rained violently from the time we halted till we came to this place, and it being a byway over fields was very dirty and slippery, which added much to our affliction, being most wet to the skin, tired, and then calling to mind all our past sufferings, and apprehending what were yet to come. For sorrow seldom comes alone, and one affliction either renews the memory of another or afflicts a man with the fear of future calamities. But to proceedin this condition we came to a miserable {ms folio 28b} village, where to our greater vexation it was long ere we could find any that spoke French, many of the meaner sort of people in this country only speaking their own British language, which, as several of our authors affirm, so I then found it to be true, that it is very like our Welsh, both by some little insight I had in that language myself, having lived above a year in Wales, and much more by a Welsh gentleman that was in my company and had some sort of discourse with the people in that language, they understanding each other reasonably well. After all our trouble and fatigue I found much better quarters than I expected or the place promised, having good wine and a bed not at all contemptible.
Saturday the 12th: being excessively tired and my feet sore I got upon one of the carts that carried our luggage and was drawn by oxen, and in this manner was carried four leagues
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to Vannes, our next stage, which is a large beautiful town, the seat of a parliament,65 a bishopric {ms folio 29a} and university. Our entertainment was suitable to the place, which was very refreshing after our late fatigue.
Monday the 14th: our appointed stage was but three leagues to Auray, so it was agreed by the commissary and captains of Routes to burn that town, as the phrase is, that is receive money for our quarters, and march through to Landevant three leagues farther, which was appointed for the next day. The country here is very pleasant full of rising hilly ground, but not mountainous, with large delightful commons, wherein is store of hares. This town is not large, but well built, and has many wealthy inhabitants, who afforded us good quarters, but our stay was only for one night.
Tuesday the 15th: three leagues to Hennebont a large town, has many good houses, and one great and handsome church; but the worst contrived in the manner of its streets that ever I saw, there being not one good one in the whole, and one part of them steep as precipices, most very narrow, and short.66 Here we continued Wednesday {ms folio 29b} the 16th, at first to the great satisfaction of some of our young gallants, though they had afterwards leisure to repent. For in this as in most great towns of France there are many gentlewomen, who appear very splendid in apparel, and among them some of tolerable faces; to some of our company a painted face with petticoats was an angel, and every one fancied if he walked but by the lady's side, and she happened to look that way, though it were but to spit, that he had won her heart, for I observed some of these courtiers spoke not one word of French, yet they followed the women about the town, and even to their chambers courting them with bows and grimaces, the custom of France and their civility to strangers or their design to ridicule them allowing this liberty. With the assistance of such as could stammer some French balls were
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contrived, and nothing appeared among these youths but joy, as if all our miseries which were now beginning had been ended. In fine there was music, dancing, singing, feasting and, to close up all, gaming, {ms folio 30a} so that the ladies and their countrymen having found the weak place in the English and Irishmen's heads, kept such of them as held out longest a day after the Routes were marched, and then sent them on horseback after us with scarce as much money in their pockets, as would pay the hire of their horses. The whole pack was so well fleeced, that some were forced to sell part of their apparel, wherewith they thought to have purchased the ladies' hearts. It had been happy for them had they read and taken Solomon's advice in the Proverbs, viz.: Ne dederis mulieribus substantiam tuam.Proverbs xxxi. 3
For he that treats or plays with women to win their hearts plays his money against dross. But it is time to go on five leagues farther.
On Thursday the 17th: to Quimperle a town reputed much inferior to the last, but in my esteem equal to it or rather better were it not somewhat decayed. It has at the entrance a commendable river oh the one hand, and on the other a noble mansion house of the Duke Mazarin. The descent from a hill to the town yields a pleasant prospect thereof; has one good {ms folio 30b} street, many fair houses, and one large church, not to speak of monasteries whose chapels as inconsiderable I commonly omit. The Duke Mazarin, being in town and commanding, ordered the Tapié or commissary of provisions to furnish us all with both fresh and salt fish, which had not been done in any other place it being now Lent time.
On Friday the 18th, in the morning the duke invited us all to a most splendid breakfast he had provided for us, where was all variety of fish exquisitely dressed, with other sorts of dainties fit for the time, plenty of the best wines, and an inexpressible civility and courtesy shown by him to every individual person. I cannot but say I saw not in all France a more general or particular act of civility than this in all my progress through it. The entertainment ended, we set out and marched five leagues to a very poor small and much decayed
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town called Rosporden, where for want of more room we were forced to quarter all the officers of a Route in a house, yet so we fared not amiss, but where I was had all beds and good conveniency {ms folio 31a} for dressing our meat, which the Tapié provided, and good wine.
Saturday the 19th: we marched four leagues to the famous and, by most of us that were some days in it, much beloved City of QuimperCorentin, Quimpir where we continued many days, wherefore I shall take the freedom to enlarge somewhat here, since time allows and the place deserves it. This city stands in a bottom, on the banks of a very pleasant navigable river, which runs through it: on all sides it is surrounded with high hills that overlook it, on the south side they are close to the town and very steep. The cathedral is very large and sumptuous, has a beautiful choir, and all round it many chapels well adorned:67 the market-place wherein it stands is large and plentifully supplied with all sorts of fish, which it being then Lent constantly filled it. There are several other churches and chapels both without and within the town, and monasteries of religious men and women, which though not very sumptuous yet help to beautify and adorn the city, as does the bishop's house adjoining to the church {ms folio 31b} of a goodly structure. The streets are not very commendable being after the old fashion generally narrow, but in the suburbs which are very large the streets are wider; the houses everywhere spacious though not very sightly, being ancient buildings. About a mile from the town is a pleasant house of the archbishop's not much to be commended for its greatness, yet valuable for its gardens divided into delightful walks and fishponds with much variety and several ornaments. Strangers here find very good entertainment, provisions being very cheap, their inns though not like those of England, yet well furnished with good beds, and meat cleanly and well dressed, variety of good wines and the common rate M. the bottle, and a good table for 15d. ordinary with a pint of wine a man. Here we may be said to have first breathed after our toils, resting sixteen or seventeen days,
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being well paid and having all things cheap, with good quarters, where we were entertained with all possible civility and liberality, the people being extremely courteous {ms folio 32a} and much more than many of our company deserved. There were among us many that made it their daily practice to commit new disorders, and preyed upon the poor people as if they had been in an enemy's country, whilst the government out of respect to our distressed king winked at their crimes, they grew the more insolent, and consequently made our name the more odious, the people admiring that men who pretended they suffered for conscience and loyalty should so little fear God and respect the king for whose honour they ought to carry themselves with all possible modesty. To be short there were thefts, uproars in the streets, insolences in quarters, and all sorts of disorders that could have been acted by a dissolute army in an enemy's country. Yet I cannot but admire that, since I have seen many of the greatest rascals in the company preferred to considerable posts, more by their impudence than merit, and they quite forgot their former despicable condition. Ease and plenty, the sources of luxury, made the more moderate wanton, so that all losses {ms folio 32b} seemed forgot, all sorrows drowned, and nothing appeared but mirth, drinking, gaming, courting of ladies, treating, and all youthful delights were reassumed, as if we had reached the promised land, and had not a wide desert of troubles to go through. Such as placed their delight in wine and good company had plentifully wherewithal to satisfy their appetites, which forwarded some evening quarrels, and what was worst some disturbances even with the watch of the town to our no small discredit. The gamester wanted not associates, and those of the fair sex, who had often the good quality to win the ready money and lose upon credit, which our gentlemen were too well bred to scruple, though they had afterwards reason and leisure to repent. The most general folly was the amours that were followed with as much eagerness as if we had fixed there never to remove. Every man was happy in his own conceit, master of his lady's affections, proposed and impatiently expected the hour of enjoying what he so much laboured for;
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whilst the crafty females admitted their addresses, refused not their treats, received their presents, and by several wiles drained their pockets, laughed at their ignorance, deceived them of their expectations {ms folio 33a} and sent them away without money or enjoyment, their pockets empty, and their hearts full of sorrow. This town wanted not nevertheless the seeds of vice, lewd women and debauched men. But what I cannot but mention and appeared the most scandalous, was a monastery of nuns, who kept young gentlewomen boarders, yet with such liberty that the convent was the daily rendezvous of our most extravagant and disorderly young gentlemen, where though it were Lent and even Passion Week they spent whole days with such licentiousness as was a reproach to the place, a profanation of the time, and a general scandal to all men. As our stay in this town was considerable, so have I enlarged sufficiently upon it, and will now only add that it was a place of great refreshment to us all, every one having the divertissement he desired, our pay being sufficient to keep us plentifully, and as there was much vice, which our coming was no small addition to, so was there all the encouragement imaginable to virtue, in the holiness of the time, the devotion of divine service in the churches and the good example of many of the inhabitants. {ms folio 33b} It is now time to take leave of this place and go forward on
Palm Sunday, the 3rd of April, to Locronan three leagues, the weather was fair, the way good, for a large space a great road then a very wide open common, where we saw many of the country people well armed who had been mustering. On the road, a league from Locronan, is a small village, wherein is a pretty little church. Here as I was passing through looking into the church a woman came running and rung the bell, and inquiring into the occasion, we found some of our scattering scoundrels were pillaging the poultry thereabouts, which caused the ringing the bell to alarm the neighbourhood, the people being abroad by reason of the muster and because it was Sunday. Coming out we saw six of our men running with their drawn swords after ten or twelve of the poor naked country men and women, who getting over a style faced about
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and crying Frappé Frappé, that is strike or throw, sent such a shower of stones as made them retire having almost knocked down two of them, but their ammunition {ms folio 34a} falling short the country people retreated again to another parcel of stones, and there made good their ground. Having seen this, and having no influence over those people to quiet them, I thought good to haste away lest the country rising should take me in as a party concerned in the fray, and came early to Locronan. This is a small town, very poor, and much decayed, where we were much straightened for quarters, and hard put for diet, fish being very scarce, and the Tapié providing only flesh, which we would not eat in the holy week. My landlord, who was an old lawyer, told me that town had always been exempted even in the present king's days from quartering soldiers, and that they had consented to it now only in kindness to us and upon promise that it should not be made a precedent.
Monday the 4th: we had a long but not very tiresome march to Crozon six leagues, the weather was fair, the way good, and country very pleasant, full of rising fertile ground but no mountain or steep ascent. This town is somewhat larger and better than the last, seated high, the streets open, and has pleasant seats about it.
{ms folio 34b}Tuesday the 5th: we marched a league to a little town upon the Bay of Brest called Le Faou, where the ships' boats took up, and carried us aboard the ships that lay there in order to carry us into Ireland. This bay makes one of the finest harbours in the world being at least three leagues over every way, enclosed round with high hills which shelter it much from storms, and make it very secure: the mouth of it, being very long and narrow, lies east and west, and is divided into two channels, a long ridge of rocks lying along the middle. The north channel is best and most used, both have much water but little room for a ship to tack which makes it the more difficult coming in and out. On the north side is a fort whereon are planted above fifty pieces of cannon, the lower tier almost level with the water. On the south side a lesser fort, each has the full command of its channel, and between both the passage is not to be forced. Opposite to the channel
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is the citadel of Brest upon a high rock, large and till now of the ancient fortification, but at this time they were demolishing the old and making a new work of it after the modern manner, in which as well as the other works of the town we were told 10,000 men were daily employed. To furnish these men {ms folio 35a} the country all round the town for several miles is divided into a certain number of parts and each of these divisions sends in all their labouring men to such a number as is required, who continue at the work for eight days, being allowed bread, meat, and fourpence a day for their labour, and the eight days being expired are relieved by the next division, till it goes round. Within the citadel on the north-east of the bay is the town, the passage to it by the water is between two strong batteries well planted with large cannon pointing every way, the batteries not above a musket shot from each other; this leads into the river of Brest which is narrow, but carries so much water that vessels of above 100 guns lie there, and this is one of the chiefest ports in France for laying up their great ships. A little way within the batteries is a strong boom across the river, which is no more open in day than just to allow room for a ship to pass in and out, and at night is closed up. At this time there lay here about a dozen men-of-war all I believe of the first rate. The principal part of the town is on the south side having nothing in it commendable, the churches mean, the streets narrow and foul, some good houses, many very indifferent; the Jesuits {ms folio 35b} were building a new church and monastery, but neither finished. The best thing about the town is the hospital, which is beautiful and very well served, but not very large. The walls and other fortifications of the town were now a raising so that no account can be given of them, but that they are about a mile in circumference. On the north side is either a part of this, or another small town, with a good quay before it which on the other side is but small and here reaches all along. What is most remarkable here is the Royal Magazine and Stores, wherein are all sorts of arms and ammunition, in great quantity and kept with excellent order. Besides the general every great ship has a particular storehouse, wherein is all
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manner of rigging and necessaries for the said ships, and their names written over the doors. There are several docks for building of ships, great forges for making of anchors and other iron work, yards and houses for the rope and cable makers, carpenters' yards, stores of iron, hemp, masts, and in fine all things requisite for the sea service in great quantity. In one of the docks I saw a great old tattered vessel, which is there kept as a memorial of her having fought, as they say, thirty galleys and come off with honour. We continued here about five weeks, being told daily we should sail {ms folio 36a} with the first fair wind, but it was only to amuse us, for most of the ships were not arrived, or fitted till long after our coming to Brest, and the arms and ammunition were not put aboard till a few days before we left it. This report was given out in order to keep us aboard, for by reason of our extravagancies committed before in the country there were no quarters or allowance appointed for us ashore, but provision ordered in the ships. Some continued ashore most of this time, but all could not do it, the town being excessive dear and lodgings so scarce that we paid half a crown a night for an ordinary bed. The encouragement to stay aboard was but little, the French officers giving us no manner of respect, and scarce affording to speak to us. Our provision was bad meat, and worse fish, very nastily dressed and as nastily eaten for want of table linen, butter of several colours, and but little of any of them, the best thing there was the wine, and that little, and indifferent. For lodging we had the soft planks, without anything to cover us but our own clothes, or else some scurvy hammocks among the seamen, which they several times maliciously cut down in the night. For quietness' {ms folio 36b} sake I took my bed upon the lockers in the great cabin during the whole time of my stay aboard. Several times it was ordered that all should repair to the ships but few obeyed, so it was given out sometimes that the wind was coming fair and we should sail, then all flocked aboard, but the next day they returned ashore. Thus we continued for about five weeks, as I said before, till
Thursday the 5th of May: the wind coming to south-east the Admiral and all his squadron weighed, and fell down
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towards the mouth of the harbour, but the wind then calming cast anchor again, the rest of the fleet stirred not. I was at first with all the Route put aboard the Entreprenant, a ship of about 60 guns, where we continued till the Sunday before we sailed, when several of us were removed to the Oiseau, of 45 guns, that was designed and under sail for the East Indies, but remanded, unladen, and fresh lading put in her to go with us. Before we leave the harbour it will not be amiss to give an account of what number of vessels our fleet consisted and their names. There were 25 men-of-war from 60 to 40 guns.
- L' Ardent commanded by M. de Château Renault, Admiral
- {ms folio 37a}Le St. Michel, commanded by M. Gabaret, Vice-Admiral
- Le Courageux commanded by M. Forraud, Rear-Admiral
- Le François
- Le Vermandois
- Le Duc
- Le Pendant
- Le Fort60
Le Léger
- Le Précieux
- Le Capable
- L' Arrogant
- Le Diamant
- Le Furieux
- Le Faucon
- Le Modéré
- L' Entreprenant60
- Le Neptune
- L'Arc en Ciel
- L' Excellent
- Le Sage
- L'Emporté
- L' Oiseau45
- L'Apollon
- Le Sérieux
Two frigates of 20, or 22 guns each, which the French do
not call men-of-war, viz.
- La Tempête
- La Présente
Eleven fireships:
- Le Bouffon
- L'Hercule
- Le Pétillant
- Le Maligne
- L' Incommode
- Le Terneuvie(?)
- Le Déguisé
- Le Gaillard
- La Catherine
- L'Inconnue
- L'Éveillé
{ms folio 37b}Friday the 6th: in the morning the wind being at north-east the whole fleet weighed and sailed out, the wind held
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most part of the day at north-east and north by east; at night it came to north, and blew hard, the night overcast with a very thick fog, we run to westward.
Saturday the 7th: the wind blowing fresh at north-east we bore up north-north-west and north-west and by north, the night was fair but we made little sail.
Sunday the 8th: the wind continued at north-east and we bore up north-north-west all day, the night fair, but made little way. This day we discovered one sail, which, a frigate having chased and brought up, proved an Englishman bound for France and was soon after discharged. A Portuguese bound for London sailed through the fleet, which having hailed made her way. We lay by about noon for a while, and some consultation was held aboard the Admiral, after which we held on our course.
Monday the 9th: the wind continued and we lay close upon it to north-north-west and north-west, and by west about seven we discovered land and about noon came up within half a league of the shore, and found we were fallen ten leagues to leeward, the Admiral intending to have been {ms folio 38a} as far to windward, the shore we came up with was Castlehaven. We stood off again, and tacked to gain upon the wind. Towards evening on a sudden the Admiral fell off with the wind and steered west-south-west, then lay by and made little or no way all night. This morning a small vessel of Ostend was taken by one of our ships. Two English men-of-war were discovered and chased for some time, by which was guessed the fleet was not far off, which was the reason our Admiral changed his resolution of bearing up for Kinsale.
Tuesday the 10th: the wind still at north-east we continued our course west-south-west in sight of land till coming up with Berehaven or Bantry Bay, for two parts of it bear these several names, we bore to windward and stood in for about a league, anchored close under the shore four leagues from the bottom of the bay and town of Bantry. This afternoon intelligence being brought that the English fleet was seen, the Admiral ordered all the English, Scotch and Irish to the number of about 1,500 with all the money, arms, and ammunition
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brought from France, and four day's provision for each man, to be put aboard five fireships, the {ms folio 38b} two small frigates, and another small vessel, and so conveyed up the bay and landed. Which was accordingly put in execution, but the time being short, many were landed upon the rocks at midnight, none being permitted to stay aboard, although several pressed for it very earnestly. The night was spent in as much misery as can be imagined by them ashore upon the bare, uncouth rocks, it being very cold and no shelter to be had, and by us aboard the small vessels, which were so thronged there was scarce room to stand, much less to sit or lie down.
Wednesday the 11th, and 1st of May (st. vet.): for being come to shore I will hereafter follow this account, we weighed at break of day, the wind still at north-east, and the bay lies north-east and south-west, so we spent the whole day tacking. But at noon we discovered the English fleet making up to the French, who having before their anchors apeak weighed and met them, having the wind and tide with them. Particulars I cannot pretend to give an account of, but that we saw them near four hours hotly engaged, and then they fell down a till we quite lost sight first of the English, then of the {ms folio 39a} French; in the evening the latter returned and anchored where they were in the morning.68 Just at sunset the wind calmed quite where we were, and we were towed by our boats into the creek where Bantry stands. This is an extraordinary bay, being between four and five leagues in length, everywhere wide, but more or less as some points butt out. The largest ships may anchor anywhere close under the shore, there being for the most part within 100 yards of it fourteen or fifteen fathom water, at the entrance into the creek about seven and more within. All round the bay are high rocky mountains with some few scattering cottages. This night much against our
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will we continued aboard, yet had we known the entertainment we were to find ashore, as bad as it was in the ships, we had chosen to stay in them.
Thursday the 2nd: we landed at Bantry, which is a miserable poor place, not worthy the name of a town, having not above seven or eight little houses, the rest very mean cottages. The least part of us could not be contained in this place, so most were sent two or three miles round to no better cottages to quarter. {ms folio 39b} Two nights that we continued here I walked two miles out of town to lie upon a little dirty straw in a cot or cabin, no better than a hog-sty among near twenty others. The houses and cabins in town were so filled that people lay all over the floors. Some gentlemen I knew who took up their lodging in an old rotten boat that lay near the shore, and there wanted not some who quartered in a sawpit. Meat the country brought in enough, but some had not money to buy, and those who had for want of change had much difficulty to get what they wanted, the people being so extreme poor that they could not give change out of half a crown or a crown, and guineas were carried about the whole day and returned whole. Drink there was none, but just at our landing a very little wort hot from the fire, which nevertheless was soon drunk; and good water was so scarce that I have gone half a mile to drink at a spring. About half a mile from this is the old town of Bantry, much like the new. Upon a hill over the town and creek is a fort built by Cromwell, now gone to decay but never of any considerable strength.
Friday the 3rd: we continued in this miserable place. Both days were spent in landing {ms folio 40a} the arms and ammunition that came with us. The Earl of Clancarty's Regiment69 came to town, and during our stay had no better quarters than the open fields without tents.
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Saturday the 4th: much of the morning was spent in looking for horses; at last with much difficulty Mr. Lazenby,70 afterwards a captain in Colonel Butler of Kilcash's Regiment, bought a little nag, on which we laid his, Captain afterwards Major Price's,71 and my clothes in two portmanteaus, and having loaded our horse marched afoot driving him before us twelve miles to Dunmanway, a place consisting of only one gentleman's house and some scattering cabins. The road is all mountains very high, steep and rough, with few or scarce any houses near the way. Having sent before to take quarters we prevailed for money to get a good barn, where we made fire and had clean straw to lie on, conveniences that very many met not withal who were forced to stay all night in the open fields.
Sunday the 5th: marched six miles to Enniskeen, the first three like the day before, the other much plainer. This is a tolerable town, and appeared much the better to us after coming {ms folio 40b} from the miserable places before mentioned. Here we only refreshed ourselves, and went on six miles farther to Bandon, a considerable walled town, where we found good entertainment, though at this time it was ill-inhabited many of the richest being fled, after the king had most graciously pardoned their unnatural rebellion in presuming to take up arms and shut out His Majesty's forces upon framed fears and pretences.
Monday the 6th: marched twelve miles to Cork; in all this way there is not so much as a village unless such as consist of
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ten or twelve poor cots or cabins, inhabited by the miserable country people, who live only upon their potatoes and sour milk. The road is all rough mountain rocky way. Having marched these three days afoot I had great difficulty to reach Cork, both by reason of my weariness, as also the soreness of my feet, which kept me in excessive pain and anguish. I gave God thanks that I reached the town, where providence ordained we were stopped two days, by order to wit.
Tuesday and Wednesday, the 7th and 8th: all the company before intending to take no rest till our arrival at Dublin, which was also my {ms folio 41a} earnest desire, but finding myself unfit to march I was glad to be stopped to rest. Neither could I well stay behind my company, having spent most of what money I brought out of England and being disappointed of a bill I expected at Paris, coming away in haste, so that afterwards I was beholden to Mr. Lazenby whom I have before spoken of, and who lent me money in my want, without any farther acquaintance than what we contracted at Quimper Corentin, when some that were my friends in England refused to assist me. It was not therefore without reason I called him brother, as also Major Price, to whom also I owe many obligations we three having contracted a peculiar friendship and kept together from the beginning of our acquaintance with a true brotherly love, which we continued not only then but long after till the misfortunes of the times parted us.
Thursday the 9th: we set out having hired a man and horse to carry our clothes, and marched with much difficulty, the way being hilly and my feet very sore to Rathcormack a little town, which was very full, yet afforded {ms folio 41b} us good quarters.72
Friday the 10th: in the morning, we marched four miles to Kilworth, a small market town. Though the way was good, the excessive heat of the sun so overcame us that we were
forced to take two or three hours' rest here, when venturing to set forward we soon found ourselves in as bad or rather a worse condition, it being just the heat of the day, and having a vast high and rough mountain to pass over which held for
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four miles and so tired us that we were glad again to take shelter in a cottage at the foot of the hill till evening, which being cool we travelled on four miles farther and a much better way with woods and much shelter to Clogheen, a little town that has some good houses, and a clear brook runs through the middle of it.
Saturday the 11th: we found the way good, yet having marched but three miles to a village whose name I learned not, but a river runs through it and over it stands an old castle, I was so spent with heat and the continual fatigue that I had been left behind had I not with much difficulty hired a horse, the people being very fearful, because many upon pretence of hiring horses {ms folio 42a} for a few miles went quite away with them; thus I rode five miles to Clonmel. This is one of the prettiest towns I have seen, though small. It is walled, and famous for the opposition it made against the former usurper, Oliver Cromwell; the principal streets are in the form of a cross with a handsome town house much about the centre of it, the streets clean, and the houses well built, a navigable river running by the side of it next which are the ruins of a large old convent, then in possession of the Franciscan friars. Having found by experience that we could not march in the heat of the day, we resolved for the future to travel all or most part of the night, and rest the days, and accordingly we stirred not till the following evening, which was Sunday the 12th: and then set out about seven of the clock and marched a good rate till eleven, at which time we reached the nine mile house: the first five miles are plain good way, the other four hilly and very rough. This is a lone house, however we wanted not conveniency to rest here till break of day.
Monday the 13th: early we marched five miles {ms folio 42b} to Callan, now a very poor place, but by its ruins appears to have been somewhat considerable, having refreshed ourselves here during the heat of the day, we went on in the evening six miles to Kilkenny.73 I will not here pretend to give any
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account of this place, though it well deserves it, having some notes of it in my former travels, which if it please God to restore me to my native country I may perhaps find and join to these, nor had I now time or ease to give a worthy description of this place.
Tuesday the 14th: in the evening being all ready to set out, we loaded our small luggage on a car we bought in town, putting to it a large horse belonging to Captain Arnold74 who here joined with us and had a boy to drive it, and being eased of that trouble I stopped in the street to speak with an acquaintance till all my company marched out of town before me, and thinking to overtake them I lost my way within a mile of the town, till meeting with a countryman he put me again into the road, where I travelled alone three or four miles and then overtook one Mr. Brett,75 whom I had before known in {ms folio 43a} England. But he being afoot as well as I, a corpulent man and very lame, I could not prevail with him to go any farther than to a small farmer's house seven miles from Kilkenny, where having after much entreaty obtained admittance we found a good will in the people but no great refreshment, they having nothing to eat or drink but milk, a diet I was not yet used to, and clean straw to lie on. As it was we took our rest till about three of the clock on
Wednesday the 15th: in the morning, when being earnest to find my company, we went on forgetting to inquire for them at Wells, a small village a mile from our place of rest, till we went two miles farther to Leighlinbridge, where is only a large stone bridge over the Barrow, two good houses of entertainment
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and a few small cabins, I was much concerned after strict inquiry to hear no news of my company. Being thus restless having halted a little while I resolved to go on, and at our setting out a countryman informing us there was one Brett, a rich farmer, on the other side the river, and that it was as near a way to Carlow as that we intended to take, I was with difficulty persuaded {ms folio 43b} to take that way in hopes to get horses of the said farmer, only because my new companion's name was Brett. In fine we went, and though strangers for the name's sake found a kind reception, and had two horses lent us as far as Carlow and a boy to bring them back. It was early when we came to the town, and to my great satisfaction found my former company, and having resolved to go forwards at night, though I desired it my friend Mr. Brett would by no means part with the horses, but kept both them and the boy (not regarding his tears) with him till night, when we set out on promise to carry them but five miles farther, but being come to Castledermot, and finding the conveniency so great, we made bold with them for three miles more to Timolin, which we reached near midnight, and there rested till morning.
Thursday the 16th: having dismissed the boy with the horses, we marched afoot seven miles to Kilcullen Bridge, and having there refreshed ourselves till evening, went on five miles farther to the Naas, a good town though at this time decayed, the walls of it as many other things are gone to ruin. About a mile from the town in some old walls is preserved the memory of a stately seat, intended though never finished {ms folio 44a} by the loyal Earl of Strafford when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Here first of all we found difficulty in getting quarters, and, having got a billet of the sovereign on an inn, were refused not only beds, but fire and meat and drink for our money, till finding the perverseness of the people we possessed ourselves of a room, broke open the cellar doors, and took out meat, wine, and whatever we found for our use; our landlord having made his complaint to the sovereign, and, meeting a rebuke instead of redress, served, and attended us for the future with great diligence, and found
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all things necessary, which we paid for to his content, though for his rudeness he deserved it not, and it was left to our choice by the sovereign. The man being an Irishman and a Catholic made his ill carriage towards us appear the more strange, but his religion and country he thought would bear him out. This was the first violence in all my travels hitherto I offered to anybody, and the world may judge with how much justice I might force my way to meat, drink, and a bed for money, being hungry, dry and weary, and having the government to back me.
Friday the 17th: being somewhat cool, we marched with ease six miles to Rathcoole, and having {ms folio 44b} rested a sufficient while, with great satisfaction marched the remaining six miles to Dublin, our so long wished for port.76 Yet was it not without some shame and trouble I entered the town afoot and all covered with dust, having lived there sometime before in esteem and with splendour, and fearing to meet with many that had formerly known me in a prosperous condition. And yet what greater glory or honour could I wish than to be seen and known a signal sufferer for my religion, my king, for justice and loyalty. But man's ambitions has always aspirations, and covets the grandeur of the world: it feeds not itself with the
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true and inward knowledge of the honour due unto virtue, but is still greedy of outward appearances. For although the principal happiness of man ought to consist in the innocence of his conscience and justice of his actions: our weak nature is so much depraved that we value not what we are but what we are thought. Most men aspire not to be truly virtuous, but to be esteemed so, and even those who are endowed with any peculiar virtues do place the greatest satisfaction in having them known, and study how to make them shine the brighter in the eyes of the world. The scholar breaks his rest, flies company, lives retired, scarce allows himself time to eat or sleep, minds {ms folio 45a} nothing but his books, spends his days in reading and the nights in thinking, and this not to improve himself or instruct others, but that his works may be carried from hand to hand, his name honoured, and his memory preserved. The lawyer continually turns over his volumes, roars at the bar, takes in hand the wrongful as well as the righteous cause, and why but to gain applause, to be esteemed the great interpreter of the law, to rise in time and be seated on the tribunal, and to be gazed at and admired by the multitude. The soldier endures the scorching heat of the summer, and piercing cold of winter in the fields, lies on the ground, suffers hunger and thirst, and daily exposes himself to all dangers that his valour may be extolled, his sufferings recorded, and his magnanimity celebrated. It may perhaps be answered these and all others labour and toil to acquire riches, and merit preferment. But what is the use of riches only to shine brighter than others in the eyes of the people, and what is preferment but to stand a step above the rest, and be more seen and taken notice of: since the country gentleman of a moderate estate, eats, drinks, sleeps, {ms folio 45b} and indulges himself as well, or rather more than the greatest general, the ablest lawyer, the profoundest scholar or the mightiest monarch in the universe. And again for the practice of virtue and study of piety, none so free or so truly fitted as the man who, content in a middle estate, is not drawn away with the noise and profaneness of the soldier, not distracted with the subtleties and pride of the scholar, not involved in
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the cares and injustice of the lawyer, nor plunged in the abyss of thoughts, business, ambition and vanities that attend such as follow the court or converse in affairs of state and government. But I have made too long a digression did not my long continuance in Dublin allow of it, and since the occurrences during my residence there cannot merit a daily observation as hitherto in my travels, I will only make some general remarks and afterwards go on with my following misfortunes.
As Paris or St. Germains was the first place of rest, where every one that followed the king intended to take the measures of his {ms folio 46a} future proceedings, so being commanded from thence and His Majesty residing in Dublin, that was the second harbour, where every one proposed to refit himself for the residue of his long voyage, and to weather the ensuing storms. Formerly in England peace flourishing there, and I being settled in a good civil employment had laid aside all thoughts of any military preferment, but now the king having more need of soldiers than receivers, and my design in following of him being to signalize my loyalty, and be serviceable to him, not to seek my own ease, conveniency or interest, I resolved upon a soldier's life, at least till such time as it should please God to reenthrone His Majesty. And though my experience in martial affairs could not entitle me to any considerable post, and consequently enable me to do any extraordinary service: yet I concluded in whatever capacity employed I might be useful, and doubted not but for the present my zeal would supply what was wanting in experience.
The methods to be taken to be employed in the army were, first by immediate application to His Majesty either by word of mouth or by way of petition. {ms folio 46b} The former was the more general, for even kings in distress grow cheap, and their very friends usurp an unbecoming familiarity with them; but nature and my education had engrafted in me such a reverence for Majesty that though I daily saw others (who had less right or pretensions than myself) boldly breathe their pretensions in the king's ears, and that to such a degree of freedom that one who was but an ensign in England durst pull him
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by the sleeve because he passed without taking notice of him; yet I could never presume to give myself the liberty of speaking to him, and the excessive forwardness of others made me the more backward. The latter by petition was both modest and likely to succeed: but seeing him daily perplexed with the continual importunities of so many I concluded it more respectful to find out some other expedient, though not so advantageous to myself, than to add to his great burden of care. The second method was going to Londonderry then besieged by the king's forces, to serve there as a volunteer in some regiment till places should fall, and preferment become due. This suited best with my inclinations, but being destitute of money to subsist there, and having no horse to carry me down, I was forced to lay aside the thoughts of it, though it was the thing I most earnestly desired. These two mediums laid aside, the third and last was to try friends in order to be either assisted with {ms folio 47a} money or recommended to some regiment. But friendship was grown as rare in Ireland as loyalty in England. There were many who during my prosperity, when they thought I should have no occasion to make use of them, had made me great offers of service if occasion should offer, but with my condition their minds were changed. Among the rest I cannot but mention the Earl of Limerick77 in whose ancient acquaintance with my father and the knowledge he had of me I reposed no small confidence. The Lord Primate of Ireland, F. Dominick Macguire,78 with whom while
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chaplain to Don Pedro Ronquillo79 the Spanish Ambassador in England, I had a particular familiarity, and the Duke of Powis from whom in London and Wales I had received some assurances of favour. The first of these received me so coldly that I never made a second application to him. In the second I found not much more encouragement, and all I received was formal excuses. The third and last, after many fair words
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having endeavoured to incline me to apply myself to a civil employment, which I utterly refused, would propose or hear of nothing but riding in the guards, and finding by this he only strove to shift me off I consented to it only to try the utmost of his promises. But finding me comply with that he soon fell off, telling me none were to be admitted into the guards {ms folio 47b} but such as brought horses, which he well knew I could not, nor was there any such thing, for many even to the degree of footmen were afterwards received and the king mounted them. Forsaken thus by all I had put my confidence in, I passed many days in melancholy thoughts without making application to any, since I found there was no faith in the promises of the great ones, and friendship was but a mere name, there being in reality no such thing to be found among us. How much sorrow and affliction I knew during the time I was without employment is not to be expressed or easily conceived by any but such as have had some share in the like misfortunes. For what greater calamity than to be in a strange country without money, destitute of friends, and this a man that had never known want and had only taken a voluntary exile for the love of his prince. Such as were able to relieve or assist me in the midst of plenty pleaded poverty, and either laid up for imaginary dangers of future want or else blinded with that Auri sacra fames, could not or would not see my condition, or at least reach out their hands to lift me from the affliction they saw me fallen into. It is true I made not my condition known to many, for not being used to want I blushed to think that any man should but imagine I was in necessity. It was then a common thing and many gentlemen laboured under as bad {ms folio 48a} circumstances as myself, but my proud heart could not be brought to confess poverty, but on the contrary endeavoured to hide and conceal it. Many had found shifts to maintain themselves, which I could not make use of as not just or honourable, and I thank God through all the course of my misfortunes I do not know that ever my thoughts dictated to me to strain my conscience to any unlawful or my reputation to any uncreditable action. Yet such was the course of the world that many who pretended
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to have followed His Majesty for honour and conscience by their base and unwarrantable proceedings not only were rendered scandalous themselves in the eyes of all men, but gave occasion to malicious reflections on His Majesty's most righteous cause from the foul mouths of his malicious enemies by its being asserted by such vile wretches. But let not the profane slanderers of the best of kings think this a justification of their traitorous aspersions. Christianity is not of the less value for the foul actions of such heretics and schismatics as they, the Catholic religion for having some ill livers, or His Majesty's cause for being defended by some libertines. Neither is this a reflection upon those truly honourable gentlemen, who through a true sense of loyalty {ms folio 48 b} and love of their religion quitted their country and fortunes: or such strangers who upon the same motives resolved to expose themselves to all dangers and hardships in so just a cause. The libertines I speak of were such whose debts or scandalous lives attended by all manner of crimes had rendered England unsafe for, and therefore they laid hold of this opportunity to palliate shame or fear that drove them away: or such whose desperate fortunes hoped some better change in the common calamities, and for their private interest valued not the ruin of their country. Men who thought a good cause would justify all villanies, who esteemed it a Christian liberty to rob their brethren, and a meritorious act to plunder the wicked Egyptians or Protestants, without any allowance from God and contrary to the express commands of their prince. Of these several gave us at last as good a proof of their loyalty as they had done before of their virtues, by deserting and running over to the rebels, when to punish theirs and our sins it pleased God to suffer His Majesty's forces to be defeated, and us to be reduced to the miseries I shall hereafter mention. To name these objects of scorn and contempt is too tedious, nor do I think such as blotted themselves out of {ms folio 49a} the list of true loyalists ought to fill a place in this short compendium of loyal sufferings. Some did not blush to vex His Majesty with repeated petitions magnifying their losses, multiplying their sufferings and wants,
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suing for relief till overcome by their perpetual importunities they forced him to lay out his small treasures to maintain their extravagances. Others more inhuman, though entrusted and entertained in the king's service, made use of the very power he had given them to sell him and betray his interest. As, not to instance any more, some did in the case of seizing serviceable horses to mount the guards and other troops; when some of the highest rank protected for money the best horses though belonging to Protestants, and, others having bought many with the king's own money put into their hands for that use, sold them afterwards again for their own private advantage; notwithstanding the urgent necessity of mounting the guards and other troops, and to the great detriment of His Majesty's service. To relieve my present necessities I sold what most conveniently I could spare by degrees as necessity pressed till I was obliged to part with some rings, among the rest one a particular token {ms folio 49b} of my father's, which much troubled me. But necessity has no law, for it brought me to part with the hilt and pommel of my sword, which were silver, and supply their place with brass; that I might truly be said to live by my sword, though not then a soldier but in my wishes and resolutions. Having thus struggled long with my ill fortune, at length it pleased God to send me some present relief by the hands I least expected it from, to wit a Protestant, one Mr. Hunt,80 whom I had formerly known and been kind to when he was yeoman of the wineseller to the then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Earl of Clarendon.81 This man meeting and inviting me into a tavern perceived I suppose by my appearing somewhat dejected from whence it proceeded, and, very generously of his own accord without the least
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motion made by me, offered to lend me £10 upon my note, which he as freely performed the next morning. I cannot but think it a very worthy remark that in such times a man should so generously trust me, when the war, hindering a commerce with England, took away the greatest probability of payment, when my life was so uncertain being resolved for the army, when Catholics would not assist one another, than for a Protestant unlooked for to offer relief to a Catholic and in fine when repeated promises of friendship were cancelled, {ms folio 50a} a slender and long interrupted acquaintance to take place and give them all an example of sincerity and justice. It has not been yet in my power (though I repaid the money) to requite the kindness, but God, who has given me a grateful heart to acknowledge, I hope, will, when our sins are sufficiently punished and His anger appeased, put me in a condition to make a competent return to such obligations. And if ever I live to see prosperity in this world it shall be my study to appear grateful to such as have been friends to me in my troubles. All this while I had no prospect of any employment, till the siege of Londonderry being raised,82 and the forces that were there dispersed into several garrisons, many of the officers flocked to court, and among the rest Mr. Ignatius Usher83 whom I have before mentioned in my passage from England, and then a captain in the Right Honourable the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment. He, seeing me at court without any employment and knowing my resolution was to serve in the army, presented me to the Lord Grand Prior who immediately gave me the promise of a lieutenancy in his regiment, and a few days after delivered me the commission. Thus what all my pretended powerful friends would not effect in near three months was done with only one word in less than a week by him I least expected it from, and I was settled in a post to my own satisfaction for the present, not at all doubting very soon to reach preferment.
{ms folio 50b}As I do not pretend to write a history or give an account of the particular transactions of the times, but only as far as I was
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concerned or where I was present myself, so having spent much time in speaking of my private affairs it will not be amiss to set down some few observations of the general state of affairs, during this my vacation from business, though not from sufferings.
At my arrival in Ireland the face of affairs was such as seemed to promise a prosperous success to our undertakings, a speedy restoration to the king, and a glorious reward to all our sufferings.84 Several small rebellions breaking out in the kingdom were suppressed, the rebels in many encounters worsted and forced to shut themselves up in garrisons, almost all the kingdom quietly settled under His Majesty's obedience, and Londonderry and Enniskillen seemed rather, despairing of pardon, to prolong the punishment due to their obstinacy than
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to hope to withstand His Majesty's arms. Enniskillen was not looked upon as a place of consideration having received little addition of strength from art, and what it had from nature being only a great lough or lake wherein it is seated and all men concluded its fate depended wholly upon Londonderry, and the conquest of the one would produce {ms folio 51a} the surrender of the other. Londonderry was reputed a place of no strength, having only a bare wall without any outworks to support it, the garrison was represented as raw undisciplined men, full of divisions and subject to no command, the multitude within great and provisions very short. In fine nothing was thought of could obstruct the speedy conquest of those so much contemned garrisons. In this assurance of our own strength and the enemy's weakness the English exile flattered himself with the thoughts of a speedy return to his country, and the Irish proprietor thought of nothing but entering upon his estate and driving out the new possessor, the statesmen new modelled the government of these kingdoms, and the soldier divided the spoils of the country, and assigned himself the rewards of his labours. The event hath shown how wild these conceptions were, and reason might have informed any understanding person, whose passion or mistaken zeal had not blinded him, that the posture of our affairs was far different from what was represented, and the methods then followed very unlikely to bring things to that issue every one expected. I make no pretence to the spirit of prophecy, yet scarce any misfortune has befallen us but what {ms folio 51b} I have foreseen and told several, who can bear me witness of this truth. Nor do I aspire to be esteemed a statesman or politician, and yet I could not but make some reflections upon the manner of our proceedings and the then state of our military and civil government. What our army either was or might be made is very hard to give an account of. The common computation was incredible, for most men reckoned the whole nation, every poor country fellow having armed himself with a skeine as they call it or dagger, or a ropery like a half pike, weapons fit only to please themselves, or else to put them in a posture of robbing and plundering
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the whole country, under pretence of suppressing the rebellious Protestants. The insolences committed by this sort of people, commonly called Rapparees, were such that having overstocked themselves with other men's cattle they destroyed millions throughout the kingdom only for their hides or tallow, and sometimes only to exercise their malice, leaving the carcasses to rot in the fields.85 To return to the point our muster-rolls run high, every officer being quartered near home the better to enable him to raise his men or rather to put it into his power to muster all the rabble of the country, which when he was to march towards the enemy either he had no right to command or else they {ms folio 52a} deserted. I am an eye-witness that regiments that mustered 700 and upwards at home came not into the field or even to Dublin 400 strong. It may be objected the army at first not being paid there was no reason for the officers to cheat, but I answer the daily expectation of receiving money from France made them fill up the muster-rolls though not the companies: besides the reputation of raising so many men was some encouragement, and the obligation they were under from their very commissions,
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which were given upon condition to furnish the number of men for the service. What was worst of all the people, greedy of novelties and ignorant of the dangers and hardships attending the military life, flocked to be soldiers as if their whole business had been to live at ease and rifle their enemies; but when they perceived how dear they were to buy their bread and liberty, rather than expose their lives or undergo the labours and wants a soldier is often exposed to, they deserted in vast numbers, returning to their former security, slavery and beggary on the mountains. Yet if the strength of an army had consisted in multitudes, the number of regiments might have made some amends for their weakness. But the want of discipline and experience, which we conceited in our enemies, and which made us despise them, was the heaviest misfortune we {ms folio 52b} laboured under ourselves. Our men were newly brought from the mountains, used to live in slavery without the use of any weapon: the most of them had never fired a musket in their lives. A people used only to follow and converse with cows, so hard to be made sensible of the duty of a soldier or be brought to handle their arms aright, that it was difficult to make many of them understand the common words of command, much less to obey them. Besides their natural uncouthness, they are stubborn and conceited, to be governed with rigour and severity, not to be wrought upon with lenity and gentleness; for by experience I have found they not only fear, but respect and love the officer much more that beats them daily without mercy than him that cherishes and carries a light hand over them. They will follow none but their own leaders, many of them men as rude, as ignorant, and as far from understanding any of the rules of discipline as themselves.86 This was the utter ruin of the army, none fitter to raise men than he that had been ever bred in the mountains. When raised there was
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no respect from soldier to officer, they were all fellow mountaineers. The commissioned officer could not punish his {ms folio 53a} sergeant or corporal because he was his cousin or foster-brother, and they durst not correct the soldier lest he should fly in their face or run away. These officers had seen and knew no more than their men, and consequently understood as little how to exercise or train them; every one thought himself qualified enough to bear a commission if he could march before his men, and repeat by rote the words of the common exercise. For want of arms most of the army was taught the little they learnt with sticks, and when they came to handle pike or musket they were to begin again; though I knew a colonel who said his regiment could exercise to admiration before ever they had handled arms. Many regiments were armed and sent upon service who had never fired a shot, ammunition being kept so choice that they were never taught to fire, and it is hard to guess when these men were upon action whether their own or the enemy's fire was most terrible to them. And the commanders, it has been often observed, have not only wanted valour to lead on or conduct to post their men to advantage but through ignorance have run themselves into dangers and then cowardly and basely been the first that betook themselves to a shameful flight. {ms folio 53b} These miscarriages were so far from being punished that they were excused, and palliated; the very reasons that ought to be urged as an aggravation of the crime, and consequently of the punishment, were offered and received as extenuations of the offence; as the inequality of numbers, being surprised, the disadvantage of ground, want of ammunition, and the like. Nor was this all. The cowardice of the officers was retorted upon the soldiers, and I have known a commander preferred for quitting his post, when the poor soldier suffered for the same. Particularly in the defeat of the Lord Mountcashel87 I observed some that never looked back till they
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came to Dublin, and others that lay in ditches were more countenanced than those that had brought up the rear in some order; nay those who had quitted their horses to tread the bogs and lost their very boots, shoes, pistols, and swords to run the lighter, were the men who carried it highest in Dublin. I do not design this to have it thought the private men were not faulty, they have given us too many examples of their baseness and want of courage; but doubtless had their leaders been such as they ought many enterprises {ms folio 54a} had met with better success. Nor is it a reflection on those worthy gentlemen, who understood their duty, had a sense of honour, had been abroad or served some time here. This will be found
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for the most part to touch only those, who from the plough, from following of cows, from digging potatoes and such-like exercises, because they had a few men to follow them, or bore the name of a good family, were put into commission without experience, without conduct, without authority and even without a sense of honour. Perhaps some may say this looks like an aspersion upon the king, who was then present, and by whose authority the army and kingdom were governed; but I have always had so great a veneration for Majesty, as not to suffer my very thoughts to censure or judge of the least action of my sovereign. Princes are said to see and hear all things, but they see with other men's eyes and hear with other men's ears. They, and only they, were guilty of all miscarriages and oversights who recommended and preferred unworthy persons, who palliated base actions and stifled the truth for their own private advantage to the great detriment of the public. Such a considerable number of experienced officers had {ms folio 54b} followed the king out of England and France, as would have sufficiently supplied the want there was in the army, have well disciplined those raw men, and given them a good example of courage and resolution. These were laid aside and made useless upon pretence they had no interest in the country, that the people would not follow strangers, and that they were unacquainted with the manner of governing them. Lest so many gentlemen whose zeal had drawn them so far to serve His Majesty should perish for want of bread some expedient must be found, which was to give them subsistence as officers in second or reformed, that they might assist and instruct the effective, whose pride was such they would choose rather to live ever in their ignorance than owe their instruction to those who had learnt their experience with many labours and dangers. From this beginning sprung that multitude of seconds and reformados that the kingdom afterwards swarmed with. The officers of every regiment that was broken were put upon this list, nay any that could find no other way of maintenance and had but the least acquaintance with a field-officer was thrust in, and at last it came to that pass {ms folio 55a} that they were foisted upon regiments at a muster
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without king or general's knowledge. Not to speak of others, in the Right Honourable the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment wherein I serve, though but thirteen companies, we had at one time ninety-four officers. These supernumeraries, seconds, reforms or what you please to call them, were of no use to His Majesty's service, and a prodigious increase to the charge of the army. Having taken in hand to speak of the army, my proper sphere, I have dwelt long upon it, and will therefore only give some small remarks upon other occurrences and proceed. One of the things which lulled us asleep and sunk us in a deep security and confidence of our strength was the power of France, which was so extolled in all its particulars, and so magnified in the supplies they sent us and the success of their arms, as if the good fortune, riches, grandeur, and justice of the world had been centred there, and all the universe besides stripped and left naked to glorify that nation. It was not thought enough to cry up the advantage of the French at Bantry over a single squadron only of the English fleet into a complete and glorious victory, though never a ship taken or sunk or the pursuit followed. Every day supplied us with fresh fables of the {ms folio 55b} entire defeat of both English and Dutch fleets, and with hyperbolical and monstrous relations of the greatness of the French both as to the number and bigness of ships: whilst both the former, which for so many years had been the terror of the seas and found none to contend with about the sovereignty of them, but between themselves, were vilified to such a degree as if they had been but a few Algiers pirates or Newfoundland fishermen. The incredible number of arms reputed to be brought from France would have furnished Xerxes' army and they, added to what were before in the kingdom, made not up 50,000 men. The millions of money spoken of would have impoverished Croesus and broken the bank of Venice, if drawn from them, and the king, to supply the pressing necessity of the army, was forced to coin brass, authorizing it to pass current as silver or gold by proclamation with a promise to make it good at his restoration to the throne. The first of this money was shillings and sixpences, afterwards it came
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to half-crowns, and at last to crown pieces. As to the stamp, they were all alike as far as half-crowns, differing only in bigness and the mark of the value. On the one side the king's head and round it Iacobus II Dei Gratia.88 On the other the imperial crown and cross {ms folio 56a} sceptres; over the crown the value of the piece as VI, or XII, or XXX; under the crown the month the piece was coined in, on the side of it IR, and round it MAG . BR . FRA . ET . HIB . REX . and the year of our Lord. On the one side of the crown pieces was the king on horseback and about it, IAC . II . DEI . GRA . MAG . BRI . FRA . ET . HIB . REX. On the other side the arms of the four kingdoms in a cross as they are upon guineas with the crown in the centre, the words ANÓ . DOM . over the scutcheons of Scotland and Ireland and under them the year in figures, about it this motto, CHRISTO VICTORE TRIVMPHO.89 Though we stood so much in need of French succours, and their aid and actions were so much extolled, yet the persons of some few Frenchmen were not acceptable to the Irish, and the English though never so loyal were suspected and hated. For as it is said of princes, that they love the treason but hate the traitor, so many here pretended to love the loyalty but abhorred the person of an Englishman. And notwithstanding there were but a few of both nations in the kingdom, especially near His Majesty, the clamour against English and French advice was no less than was one in England against popish councillors and French pensioners. To satisfy the humours of the people a parliament {ms folio 56b} was called,90 which having sat many days granted the king a subsidy that never turned to any account, but the
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chief thing they did was to repeal the Act of Settlement.91 Nothing could be more pernicious, or a greater obstruction to
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the king's service than was this parliament. First it drew to and kept in Dublin all that time the nobility and principal gentry who before were dispersed at their posts, raising or encouraging and exercising their men or upon actual service. Secondly, the Act of Repeal being passed, private interest outweighing the public good, every one quitted his command to enter upon his estate, to settle his house, and improve his fortune. And the estated men not content to forsake the service themselves kept with them for their own use all the better sort of country people, so that none but the most rude and useless sort of mountaineers took to the army. Thirdly, the Protestants, who before might have perhaps stood neuter or hoped for some reconciliation, their estates being taken away, were in a manner necessitated to espouse the rebellion, which alone could restore them to their, although unjustly yet long enjoyed, fortunes. For it was not to be doubted that those men, who had rebelled for only the fear of losing a religion they were never in possession of, would prove the most incorrigible traitors, being actually deprived of those estates they had so long kept in their hands. Thus it appears by the sitting of this parliament {ms folio 57a} the army was much damaged and weakened, the king lost the assistance of many of his friends and gained a vast number of irreconcilable enemies. Lest I seem too much to intermeddle in affairs of state so far elevated above my station, I will pass by many things worthy to be noted in the management of the siege of Londonderry.92
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As that we sat down before it with not the fourth part of the number that was within, and, though supplies were continually marching down, the strength of the besiegers was not much increased, the numbers being so small they only made up for those that daily deserted. That for battery there were but two or three pieces which played only upon great days, and that with much moderation, ammunition being scarce and the charge of carrying it so far great. That the mouth of the lough or bay through which only relief could come to the town was not either choked by sinking some vessels in it or secured by a strong boom, but only a chain laid across it tied at both ends on the shores with some old ropes, which being rotted by the weather or not sound before gave way to the first small vessel that attempted the passage. Which vessel though stranded and very near our blind gunners could or would not hit, though they made several shots at her. {ms folio 57b} That having gathered all the rebellious Protestants of the country about, and placed them between the town and our trenches to force the besieged either to relieve them, which would put an end to their provisions, or to surrender rather than see all
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their friends perish, not only they were very soon dismissed with protections, but among them hundreds of useless people that came out of the town, which was a great relief to the besieged being eased of so many mouths, and a disreputation to the king's party as wanting resolution to go on with the enterprise undertaken or maturity in their counsels.93 To be short we were blind to see our own faults and had Argus eyes to discover the enemy's, or rather we looked for motes in their eyes not regarding the beams in our own. Next to Londonderry, Belturbet defeat for the shame of it deserves to be buried in perpetual oblivion, and therefore I will say no more of it.94
It is time to conclude this discourse, and with it put a period to this first part of my travels and journal from the time I left England till I departed Dublin to go to my command in the Right Honourable the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment.95
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The time of this my peregrination was about nine months, and the length of my travels mentioned in this part 1,146
miles as will appear by the following computation. {ms folio 58a column 1}
The Distances from Town to Town are as follows | Miles |
---|
From Welshpool to Wrexham | 24 |
Thence to Holywell | 12 |
Thence to Chester | 13 |
Thence to Whitchurch | 14 |
Thence to Newport | 12 |
Thence to Four Crosses | 14 |
Thence to Coventry | 26 |
Thence to Northampton | 24 |
Thence to Newport Pagnell | 10 |
Thence to Dunstable | 14 |
Thence to St. Albans | 10 |
Thence to Barnet | 10 |
Thence to London | 10 |
From London to Calais | 93 |
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Thence to St. Omer | 16 |
Thence to Aire | 6 |
Thence to Auchel | 6 |
Thence to St. Pol | 8 |
Thence to Doullens | 12 |
Thence to Amiens | 16 |
Thence to Breteuil | 14 |
Thence to Clermont | 14 |
Thence to Lucheux | 14 |
Thence to St. Denis | 14 |
Thence to Paris | 6 |
Thence to St. Germains | 12 |
{ms folio 58a column 2}From Paris to Orsay | 8 |
Thence to Ernée | 8 |
Thence to Étampes | 12 |
Thence to Outarville | 12 |
Thence to Toury | 8 |
Thence to Artenay | 8 |
Thence to Orleans | 12 |
Thence to Nantes | 172 |
Thence to Savenay | 21 |
Thence to Donges | 6 |
Thence to Herbignac | 21 |
Thence to Kervoyal | 15 |
Thence to Vannes | 12 |
Thence to Auray | 9 |
Thence to Landevant | 9 |
Thence to Hennebont | 9 |
Thence to Quimperlé | 15 |
Thence to Rosporden | 15 |
Thence to Quimper-Corentin | 12 |
Thence to Locronan | 9 |
Thence to Crozon | 18 |
Thence to Le Faou | 3 |
Thence to Brest | 9 |
From Brest to Bantry Bay | 240 |
From the mouth of the Bay to the town | 12 |
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{ms folio 58b column 1}From Bantry to Dunmanway | 12 |
Thence to Enniskeen | 6 |
Thence to Bandon Bridge | 6 |
Thence to Cork | 12 |
Thence to Rathcormack | 10 |
Thence to Kilworth | 4 |
Thence to Clogheen | 8 |
Thence to Clonmel | 8 |
Thence to Callan | 14 |
Thence to Kilkenny | 6 |
Thence to Leighlin Bridge | 10 |
Thence to Carlow | 5 |
Thence to Castledermot | 5 |
Thence to Timolin | 3 |
Thence to Kilcullen Bridge | 7 |
Thence to the Naas | 5 |
Thence to Rathcoole | 6 |
Thence to Dublin | 6 |
The distances between the most remarkable towns thus | |
From Welshpool to Holywell | 36 |
From Holywell to Chester | 13 |
From Chester to London | 144 |
From London to Calais | 93 |
From Calais to Amiens | 64 |
From Amiens to Paris | 60 |
From Paris to St. Germains | 12 |
From Paris to Orleans | 68 |
{ms folio 58b column 2}From Orleans to Nantes | 172 |
From Nantes to Brest | 183 |
From Brest to Bantry Bay | 240 |
From the mouth of the Bay to the town | 12 |
From Bantry to Cork | 36 |
From Cork to Dublin | 97 |
In all | 1,226 |
96
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Which is the sum of the distance of the straight roads allowing but two miles to a league from Calais till you come to Nantes, though in and near the low Countries the leagues are longer, and in Brittany where they are very large three miles to a league, the same upon sea. But the miles in England and Ireland are set down according to the known and generally allowed computation. This is too great a space of ground for so short a compendium, and much more might be expected to be said of so many remarkable places and occurrences, but my misfortunes gave me not leisure to enlarge
myself.
{ms folio 59a}Thus I have run through this first part of my pilgrimage, and what is this but a shadow to the remaining part of my toils, sufferings, and afflictions. Yet since the heathen said Dulce pro patria mori, I may well add Dulcius pro fide, et rege pati. And though these kingdoms have been the causers of all the calamities that have befallen them through their heresy, rebellion, and multiplicity of other sins, as the Jews through their idolatry and other vices, so I cannot but lament with the prophet Jeremiah the ruin of the country, the banishment of my king, the desolation of his dominions, the extirpation of the true religion, and persecution of the faithful. What the said prophet Jeremiah saith in the Lamentations may be well applied to our countries, cap. i, v. 8 Peccatum peccavit Hierusalem propterea instabilis facta est; and cap. 2, V. 14 Prophetae tui viderunt tibi falsa et stulta, nec aperiebant iniquitatem tuam. A text very suitable to the wicked doctrines preached and taught by the infamous Protestant parsons, and their blasphemous incendiary bishops. Our nobility are like those of whom Isaiah, cap. i, v. 23, saith, Principes tui infideles socii furum. And I wish {ms folio 59b} God has not pronounced against these perverse kingdoms the judgement formerly against Samaria by the mouth of the prophet Amos, cap. 13, v. i. Pereat Samaria quoniam ad amaritudinem concitavit deum, in gladio pereant, parvuli eorum elidantur, et foetae eorum
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discindantur.97 God grant afflictions may humble our hearts, that we may join in prayer with the prophet Jeremiah and say. Recordare domine quid acciderit nobis, intuere et respice opprobrium nostrum. Hereditas nostra versa est ad alienos; domus nostrae ad extraneos?98