Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition
Sir Francis Bacon's MSS relating to Ireland (Author: Francis Bacon)
Document 12
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Considerations touching the Queen's Service in Ireland Summer 1602
Montagu, Works of Bacon, V, 187–96.
The reduction of that country, as well to civility and justice, as to obedience and peace, which things, as affairs now stand, I hold to be inseparable, consisteth in four points:
1. The extinguishing of the relics of the war.
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2. The recovery of the hearts of the people.
3. The removing of the root and occasions of new troubles.
4. Plantations and buildings.
For the first; concerning the places and times, and particularities of farther prosecution, in fact I leave it to the opinion of men of war; only the difficulty is, to distinguish and discern the propositions, which shall be according to the ends of the state here, that is, final and summary towards the extirpation of the troubles, from those, which though they pretend public ends, yet may refer indeed to the more private and compendious ends of the council there: or of the particular governors or captains. But still, as I touched in my letter, I do think much letting blood, ‘in declinatione morbi’ is against method of cure: and that it will but induce necessity, and exasperate despair; and percase discover the hollowness of that which is done already, which now blazeth to the best show. For Iaglia's and proscriptions of two or three of the principal rebels, they are no doubt, ‘jure gentium’, lawful: in Italy usually practised upon the banditti; best in season when a side goeth down: and may do good in two kinds; the one, if they take effect: the other, in the distrust which may follow amongst the rebels themselves. But of all other points, to my understanding, the most effectual is, the well expressing or impressing the design of this state, upon that miserable and desolate kingdom; containing the same between these two lists or boundaries; the one, that the queen seeketh not an extirpation of that people,
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but a reduction; and that, now she hath chastised them by her royal power and arms, according to the necessity of the occasion, her Majesty taketh no pleasure in effusion of blood, or displanting of ancient generations. The other, that her Majesty's princely care is principally and intentionally bent upon the action of Ireland; and that she seeketh not so much the ease of charge, as the royal performance of the office of protection, and reclaim of those her subjects: and in a word, that the case is altered so far as may stand with the honour of the time past: which it is easy to reconcile, as in my last note I showed. And again, I do repeat, that if her Majesty's design be ‘ex professo’ to reduce wild and barbarous people to civility and justice, as well as to reduce rebels to obedience, it makes weakness turn Christianity, and conditions graces; and so hath a fineness in turning utility upon point of honour, which is agreeable to the humour of these times. And besides, if her Majesty shall suddenly abate the lists of her forces, and shall do nothing to countervail it in point of reputation, of a politic proceeding, I doubt things may too soon fall back into the state they were in. Next to this; adding reputation to the cause, by imprinting an opinion of her Majesty's care and intention upon this action, is the taking away of reputation from the contrary side, by cutting off the opinion and expectation of foreign succours; to which purpose this enterprise of Algiers, if it hold according to the advertisement, and if it be not wrapped up in the period of this summer,
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seemeth to be an opportunity ‘coelitus demissa’. And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a treaty, or a shadow of a treaty of a peace with Spain, which methinks should be in our power to fasten at least ‘rumore tonus’, to the deluding of as wise people as the Irish. Lastly, for this point; that which the ancients called ‘potestas facta redeundi ad sanitatem’; and which is but a mockery when the enemy is strong, or proud, but effectual in his declination; that is, a liberal proclamation of grace and pardon to such as shall submit, and come in within a time prefixed, and of some farther reward to such as shall bring others in; that one's sword may be sharpened by another's, is a matter of good experience, and now, I think, will come in time. And percase, though I wish the exclusions of such a pardon exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strength, but to translate them and their generations into England; and give them recompence and satisfaction here, for their possessions there, as the king of Spain did, by divers families of Portugal. To the effecting of all the points aforesaid, and likewise those which fall within the divisions following, nothing can be in priority, either of time or matter, better than the sending of some commission of countenance, ‘ad res inspiciendas et componendas’; for it will be a very significant demonstration of her Majesty's care of that kingdom; a credence to any that shall come in and submit; a bridle to any that shall have their fortunes there, and shall apply their propositions to private
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ends; and an evidence that her Majesty, after arms laid down, speedily pursueth a politic course, without neglect or respiration: and it hath been the wisdom of the best examples of government.
Towards the recovery of the hearts of the people, there be but three things, ‘in natura rerum’.
1. Religion.
2. Justice and protection,
3. Obligation and reward.
For religion, to speak first of piety, and then of policy, all divines do agree, that if consciences be to be enforced at all, wherein yet they differ, two things must precede their inforcement; the one, means of instruction; the other, time of operation; neither of which they have yet had. Besides, till they be more like reasonable men than they yet are, their society were rather scandalous to the true religion than otherwise; as pearls cast before swine: for till they be cleansed from their blood, incontinency, and theft, which are now not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laws of the nation, they are incompatible with religion reformed. For policy, there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now, is directly opposite to their reclaiming, and cannot but continue their alienation of mind from this government. Besides, one of the principal pretences, whereby the heads of the rebellion have prevailed both with the people, and with the foreigner, hath been the defence of the catholic religion: and it is this that likewise hath made the foreigner reciprocally more plausible with the rebel. Therefore a toleration of religion,
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for a time, not definite, except it be in some principal towns and precincts, after the manner of some French edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by religion, and in policy of absolute necessity. And the hesitation in this point, I think, hath been a great casting back of the affairs there. Neither if any English papist or recusant shall, for liberty of his conscience, transfer his person, family, and fortunes thither; do I hold it a matter of danger, but expedient to draw on undertaking, and to further population. Neither if Rome will cozen itself, by conceiving it may be some degree to the like toleration in England, do I hold it a matter of any moment; but rather a good mean to take off the fierceness and eagerness of the humour of Rome, and to stay further excommunications or interdictions for Ireland. But there would go hand in hand with this, some course of advancing religion indeed, where the people is capable thereof; as the sending over some good preachers, especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders, and not scholastical, to be resident in principal towns; endowing them with some stipends out of her Majesty's revenues, as her majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire: and the recontinuing and replenishing the college begun at Dublin, the placing of good men to be bishops in the sees there, and the taking care of the versions of bibles and catechisms, and other books of instruction, into the Irish language; and the like religious courses, both for the honour of God, and for the
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avoiding of scandal and insatisfaction here, by the show of a toleration of religion in some parts there.
For justice: the barbarism and desolation of the country considered, it is not possible they should find any sweetness at all of justice: if it should be, which hath been the error of times past, formal, and fetched far off from the state; because it will require running up and down for process; and give occasion for polling and exactions by fees, and many other delays and charges. And therefore there must be an interim in which the justice must be only summary: the rather, because it is fit and safe for a time the country do participate of martial government; and therefore, I could wish in every principal town or place of habitation, there were a captain or governor; and a judge, such as recorders and learned stewards are here in corporations, who may have a prerogative commission to hear and determine ‘secundum sanam discretionem’; and as near as may be to the laws and customs of England; and that by bill or plaint, without original writ; reserving from their sentence matter of freehold and inheritance, to be determined by a superior judge itinerant; and both sentences, as well of the bailiwick judge, as itinerant, to be reversed, if cause be, before the council of the province to be established there with fit instructions.
For obligation and reward; it is true, no doubt, which was anciently said, that a state is contained in two words, ‘praemium’ and ‘poena’; and I am persuaded, if a penny in the pound which hath been spent in ‘poena’, for this kind of war is but ‘poena’,
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a chastisement of rebels, without fruit or emolument to this state, had been spent ‘in praemio’, that is, in rewarding, things had never grown to this extremity. But to speak forwards. The keeping of the principal Irish persons in terms of contentment, and without cause of particular complaint; and generally the carrying of an even course between the English and the Irish; whether it be in competition, or whether it be in controversy, as if they were one nation, without that same partial course which hath been held by the governors and counsellors there, that some have favoured the Irish, and some contrary, is one of the best medicines of that state. And as for other points of contentment, as the countenancing of their nobility as well in this court as there; the imparting of knighthood; the care of education of their children, and the like points of comfort and allurement; they are things which fall into every man's consideration.
For the extirpating of the seeds of troubles, I suppose the main roots are but three. The first, the ambition and absoluteness of the chief of the families and septs. The second, the licentious idleness of their kernes and soldiers, that lie upon the country, by cesses and such like oppressions. And the third, the barbarous laws, customs, their brehon laws, habits of apparel, their poets or heralds that enchant them in savage manners, and sundry other such dregs of barbarism and rebellion, which by a number of politic statutes of Ireland, meet to be put in execution, are already forbidden; unto which such
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additions may be made as the present time requireth. But the deducing of this branch requireth a more particular notice of the state and manners there, than falls within my compass.
For plantations and buildings, I do find it strange that in the last plot for the population of Munster, there were limitations how much in demesne, and how much in farm, and how much in tenancy; again, how many buildings should be erected, how many Irish in mixture should be admitted, and other things foreseen almost to curiosity: but no restraint that they might not build sparsim at their pleasure; nor any condition that they should make places fortified and defensible: which omission was a strange neglect and secureness, to my understanding. So as for this last point of plantations and buildings, there be two considerations which I hold most material; the one for quickening, and the other for assuring. The first is, that choice be made of such persons for the government of towns and places, and such undertakers be procured, as be men gracious and well beloved, and are like to be well followed. Wherein for Munster, it may be, because it is not ‘res Integra’; but that the former undertakers stand interessed, there will be some difficulty; but surely, in mine opinion, either by agreeing with them, or by over-ruling them with a parliament in Ireland, which in this course of a politic proceeding, infinite occasions will require speedily to be held, it will be fit to supply fit qualified persons for undertakers. The other, that
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it be not left, as heretofore, to the pleasure of the undertakers and adventurers, where and how to build and plant; but that they do it according to a prescript or formulary. For first, the places, both maritime and inland, which are fittest for colonies or garrisons, as well for doubt of the foreigner, as for keeping the country in bridle, will be found, surveyed, and resolved upon; and then that the patentees be tied to build in those places only, and to fortify as shall be thought convenient. And lastly, it followeth of course, in countries of new populations, to invite and provoke inhabitants by ample liberties and charters.