Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition
The Discovery and Recovery of Ireland with the Author's Apology (Author: Thomas Lee)

Part 1

The Discovery

{folio 5}{A mistery in the combination of this Rebellion} Before I shall enter into this discourse (right Honourable) I houlde it verie requisite to give you some notice of a misterie which I finde to be in the generall combination of this Irish rebellion: leaving the explanation thereof to this playne ensuinge discoverie which (if it shall faile to accomplish) I will humblie referre to your Honours moste excellent wisdome and Judgement.

And this it is.

{Traytours distinguished} In this combination there are both open and secret Traytours; these latter the more dangerous.

{Open Traytours are those in action} Open Traytours I accompt all those who are in open armes and Action, as Tyrone, Odonell, the Moores, the Conners, the Tooles, the Bernes, the Cavanaghes, and such lyke, too manie in everie Province over long here to particulate.

{Secret Traytors} The secrete are they that seeme to bee subjectes yet doe covertly succore mayntayne and relieve the open Traytours, with meanes and Counsell divers of whome I can tax by name, And with these I joyne a great part of the Recusantes.

{The pretence of Open Traytors divers.} Amongst the manifest Traytours, it is not strange to see yonge lustie able bodies (wantinge grace and wisdome) to run headlonge into this pernitious Action, either by the wicked perswasions of Romish Runagates or by the instigation of their {folio 6} kinesfolkes, or for dislike of the Generall Government or their owne particuler estate, hauvinge little or noe meanes of livinge. {welthy, aged, impotent, and unwelldye Traytors in open rebelion} But to see the Lordes of territories and men of great possessions, yea suche as are aged even three or fower score yeares: Other impotent, as Cripples, others soe Corpulent monstrous grosse, and unwealdie that a horse is scarse able to sustayne their wayght, or if he were, they are not able to ride: To see (I say) such as these become open Traytours, it is a wonder. The rather, for that some of them have received great benefite and favours frome her Majestie {Treytors who have pentions of her Majestie} in landes and Pencions whom (because they are now apparent Traytours) I purpose in their place to manifest their names.

{A simile to discover secreat Traytors} With the secret traytors I entend to deale as the husbandman with his moall spade in the meadowe, cast of the earth that the vermyne may appeare, or lifte upe the greene leaff that the serpent may be seene so shall your Honour discerne wheither he have a stinge or not, and as these are of sundrey kindes, soe will I discover the serverall hurtes which they doe.

{folio 7}{Three sortes of secreat Traytors} Of these then are three sortes. The first mightie in power, place and auchthoritie, The second of resonable abilitie and meanes and indifferently respected and graced by the state there.

{Recusants secret Traytors} The third are in generallitie some favouringe the open Traitours for their pretensed cause of Religion, which are a great part of the recusants, and some affectinge the goodes, landes and places which some good subjects have interest in, other glad to be revenged for private grudges, other to make comodities by the open traytours meanes.

{A great Commaunder supposed to be a secreat favourer of the Traytors.} Dangerous weare it for me to deale with the first sorte of these, because of their greatness, I meane their Commaund and authoritie there, and their great frendes and credite here. But forasmuch as I desire to discover the mighty as well as the meane, and to shewe how they whome her Majestie doth trust with great service doe behave them selves, whether to the due discharge of that trust {folio 8} reposed in them or otherwise, {The greatnes of men in Ireland fitt to be looked into.} and that I houlde it requisite (under pardon) that mens greatnes in that land should be looked unto: I will leave the lesser to theire place, and adventur to begin with the greater, sith truth is my warrant, and my promise is passed to discover, them which (by gods grace and your Honours patience after my rough soldiers plain fashion) I purpose to performe.

It might be thought strange if I should affirme a great nobleman of that kingdome and a subject to be one principall causer and upholder of the passed and present rebellion there, towards whome it may be her Majestie and your Honour with the rest of the Lords stand well affected for his good service, {The service of this great man better accepted then there is cause} whereof no doubt you have bene throulye misinformed in this manner videlicet that he hath done a very good service that his landes have been wasted, his nephews slayne, yea and that he hath executed one of his Nephewes because he was a Traytour, wherefor and in respect of his greatnes it were unmeete that a man of my meane fortunes should be hard against him. And that your Majestie and your Honors should be better advised than to beleeve mee. To all which I answere.

{folio 9}{Anye man maye speake for the benefite of the Queene and her Realmes} First what I am by place and qualletie, let that rest and permit me (as anny man may be) to speake for the Queenes advantage, and the benefite of her kingdome of Ireland.

{The manner of this great man his service discovered.} Touching his service, let him (or any frend for him) sett downe any tyme within these twentie yeares; that by his practise and meaines, or by his procurement, any one notorious Traytour hath bene taken or cut of, and let me loose my credite, yet muste I needes say that in the tyme of his Commaund many Traytours have been slayne, though he were nothing guiltie thereof, as Brian Reawgh, one of the Moores for one, {Brian Rewgh one of the trayterous Irish called the Moores of Lease. A nephewe of that great Comaunders slayne and what he spake the night before.} At which tyme a nephewe of the saide great manes was slayne alsoe, who was a good man noe doubt, for the night before the death of them both, the same his nephew did sweare in the hearing of an Inglish Capteyn and others of Credite, that if he knew of any draught or devise intended to entrapp the said Brian Reawgh who was a notable Traytor he would send him worde there of. And further if they said Brian shoulde fall into his handes he would not kill him. {A frend to traytors, is alwayes well cut of.} I leave it to your Honours consideration whether he that had such great care of a Traytours lyfe were most happily cut of or not though the same were done by {folio 10} the enemie.

Againe to discover whether of theire two deathes (his nephews or the Traytors) this great man moste respected, it may please youe to note the sequell.

{He respected not the death of his Nephew as may appere by the manner of his proceedings} Yf he had respected the death of his nephew he might at that verie instant have revenged it, having then and there under his Comaund a suffitient Armye of her Majesties to the number of two thousand foote besides horsemen, by whose present service great good might have bene done to all that parte of Ireland, {The Traytors discomfited by the death of their Captaine.} for the Traytors under the leadinge of the said Bryan perserving him to be slayne, were soe discomfited that if they had been presently prosecuted they had been all or moste of them cutt of, or at least they had lost all their cowes, and Garrans which had bene to them an utter undoinge.

{The Queenes soldiors sent to Garrisons without doinge anny service.} This great man tooke noe such course but forboare the prosecution of the traytors and within feive dayes dissolved the forces and sent them to their severall Garrisons and retyred hymself to his owne howse.

{folio 11}{New supplies brought to the discomfited Traytors by theyr Chief Commaunder, Oney Mac Rorye and Tyrell.} In this tyme the principall leader of the said discomfited traytors called Oney mac Rorye O Moore of Lease came unto them owt of the North: And brought with him as notable a Traytor as himselfe, one Captein Tyrrell, with them great strength of men (and as it was reported) great store of powder, whereof the said rebels had neede, if this man had bene deseyrous, either to have revenged the death of his Nephewe, or to have don Her Majestie any service, woulde he have ceased to prosecute those Traytours when there was suche occasion of their overthrowe offered by their discomfitures.{The Traytours tooke new hart by our Generalls necligence.} But his forbearing them then put them in greater part then they were at first, espetially when they sawe two such leaders as their owne commaunder and Captayne Tyrell bringing to theyr ayde fresh supplyes of men and munition, Insomuch as they verily believed, yea and soe reported that the withdrawing and dissolvinge of her Majesties forces was for feare of them.{The traytours reporte that the dessolwinge of the Queen's forces was for fear of them.}

Well to his house (as I said) he went, and there remayned until such tyme as he hard newes owt of the North what forces that Armye had, which was leade to the Black Water by the Marshall that then was: which sorting out to be badd, {A verie suspitious course.} he presently caused all the companies to rise againe from their Garrisons, and {folio 12} to meete at a tyme and place appoynted, with a purpose to victuall the forte in Lease, which was then thought to be in want. That done to repaire unto the Northe whereby to preserve the Pale.

{The Traytors prepare theyr forces afresh.} The aforesaid Traytours, Oney and Terryll (understandinge his intent) prepared theyr forces to fight with her Majesties Armye. {A messenger sent to the traytors.} Our souldiers beinge upon their march, a messenger was sent before to the Captein, Rebells Oney and Terrell to let them knowe that those forces were not drawne together to offend or anoy them, but only to victuall the fort: which don they weare to passe along into the North; wherefore the messenger willed them (in any case) {A message savouringe of treason.} to forbeare fight with her Majesties souldiers for feare to loose any of their men, willinge them further when they shoulde see our forces once past the River of Barrowe then they shoulde hast with all their power into the Province of Mounster,{Rebells up in Mounster.} there to joyne with such as they should finde there ready in Armes, to destroy and kill all the Englishe and to havocke their landes and goodes, Now to put the said traytors out of suspition that their goodes might in their absence be spoyled.{The traitors were incouraged by this message.} The sayd messenger did assure them there should be noe souldiers lefte behind the Armye to anoy them. Here may your Honour {folio 13} perceive how the poore subjects of Mounster weare betrayed,for all that was promised by this messenger to the Traytors was performed. {The subjects of Mounster bought and sould. True touch kept with the traytors.} There was not one souldier lefte from the Naas which is within xij myles of Dublyn unto the River of Barrow which is xv myles north from the Barrow to the River of Shanon which is xxiiij myles, neither to offend, nor defend saving a fewe poore soules to keepe the forte in Lease, and there noe more then of necessitie must man it, and the said Traytors of Lease left men enowe to attend them for coming abroade.

{The traytors answer to the Message.} Well to my purpose the two Arch Rebells Owney mac Rorye, and Tyrrell returned backe, the forsesaid messenger with his answare that they woulde performe all the directions whch he brought saving that they would not suffer the Queenes souldiers to passe to the forte unfought withall; because said they, we are stronge and have alsoe many strayngers in our Company at our great charge,{The traytours Insolence.} and therefore will we venter the loosinge of some of them upon the knocking downe of the Queenes souldiers. To bee short, togeather by the eares went both the Armies:{The Queenes Armye and the Traytours fight.} killinge there was on both sides, but in conclusion our souldiers made there way and victualed the forte, that don they passed over the Barrow on their pretented jorney towardes the Northe they were no sooner over the River {folio 14} {The Rebells follow the direction of the message and repayre into Mounster.} but Owney and Tyrrell accordinge to the former directions went presently to Mounster. By this tyme this great Commaunder of our forces was come to Dublyn where he remained a space, {The Generall findeth busines to spend the tyme.} and from there went to the borders of the Pale, Northward to take viewe of the forces, and to see every company supplyed intending still (as it was thought) to doe the same service uppon the Northern Rebells: But whilst he thus delayed the tyme at Dublin and in the Pale, {Newes of the stir in Mounster.} newes came unto him that all Mounster was up in armes, and in rebellion: that there was great burninge and spoylinge, and that all the English undertakers were slayne or banished, upon the present receipt of these newes he made great hast backe to Dublin, {The Generall with the Queenes Forces hasted into Mounster.} and from thence took with him a great Armye and marched into Mounster; but soe longe and tedious weare his journeyes, as greatly greeved these souldiers, never the lesse because it was into Mounster their greefe was the lesse, for that they hoped there to have done good service, and to have gotten great spoyle from the traytors of that whereof they had spoyled the English for in all Mounster, no Irishman was spoyled but such as would not joyne with the Rebells, and such were shure to suffer with the English.{The Irish subjects endamaged as well as the English,}

{folio 15}After many long and weary marches, that Army undere this great manns conduct arrived in Mounster where the Lord President mett them,{The Generall and the Lord President doe meete.} and joined the forces which he had, with them, the traytors likewise lodged their forces verie neare unto her Majesties Armye, much conference and consultation was there {Much talke butt noe fight.} betwixt this great man and the Lord President (as he toulde me) would fayne have fought with the rebelles, being stronge enough, when the two Armies were united to have beaten more Traytors then were there, but the other would by noe meanes be drawen unto it, but within four dayes he returned from whence he came, saying, {The Generall returned the forces into Leynster without any service done.} that he had understanding that the Moores of Lease were gone into Leinster and therefore he must make his reteyre the more speedy, for feare they shoulde doe much mischiefe in Lynster. Soe left hee the Lord President as he founde him and returned without doinge any service in Mounster, neither at his backe reteire into Leinster, did he anny there.

{Soldiers dye by reason of many longe journeyes and tedious marchinge.} In this manner did he walke many of her Majesties good souldiers to death with tedious and unaccustomed longe and sudayne bootles journeyes myself lost the greater parte of a hundredth tall men and all moste all their Armes. Yf this {folio 16} man that soe carelessly toyled our souldiers, and yet doth noe service befitt to have commaund of them I humbly referr to your honourable consideration.

{The approbation of the former message and the meanes to know who sent the same.} Now to prove the former message to be sent and delivered in every poynt as I have set it downe I can bring forth the gentleman who tolde it me. He can bringe forth the man who reported it unto him; and soe by diligent search from one to another it wilbe made manifest to your honores, and to her Majestie that the poore subjectes of Mounster are mearely betrayed.

{The Generall vehementlie suspected to have sent this message} And to ratefie the truth of this message, all thinges therein promised were performed accordingly, which I am verily perswaded coulde not have been don without the knowledg and consent of that great Comaunder.

Now to satisfie her Majestie your honour and his frendes why this greate man did execute his Nephew. It was not simplye becase he was a traytor, but in another spetiall {folio 17} respect as (if it be your pleasure) youe may perceive by that which followeth. {The reasons why that great man did execute his nephewe.} The father of that Nephewe and all his sonnes stoode attaynted in blood, by whose attaynder this great man's house must needes be overthrowne, and the right thereof to remayne unto her Majestie if the said father or any of his sonnes should happen to survive this mightie man: {A smale occasion may serue his turne who is willinge to apprehend anye.} wherefore to continewe his Signorye in his name he tooke that good occasion to minister justice to that Nephewe.

{This Boye brother to that executed Nephue.} Yet was there one sonne lefte a Boy who was prisoner in the castle at Dublin, whome this great man had obtained of the then Lord Debutye to take downe with him into his Countrye there to have executed him upon just cause as he informed the sayd Lord Debuty.{Conninge suggestion.} But a wise Counsellor of that Realme (havinge examined the innocence of the Boy, and the drift of this mighty man) obtayned the reprieve of the Boy when he was xij myles on his way {The Death of this Boye preuented by a wise Counsellor.} {folio 18} towards his longe home, at which tyme the ould father of these sonnes lay prisoner in Mounster, who had been soone dispatched had all his sonnes been gone before him.{The father was sett at libertie because the sonne might not be hanged.} But beinge disappointed of the youngest sonne hee was content to enlarge the father.

{The justice was good whatsoever the intent.} Yet doe I commend the Justice in execution of this trayterous Nephew, for it had bene done in sinceritie of true service, wherof I am in doubt; because I knowe that whomesoever this man founde to be firme frendes to his nephewes, beinge traytors and fosterers of them.{The kyndnes of this great man to the traytors frendes.} The parentes of those woulde he cherish upon his owne landes and suffer them to use theire pleasure. To the intent I thincke to encourage other to shewe his Nephues the like kindenes.

{A shrowde and sharpe instance.} One assured instance I can cite of an old fellowe who had nine sonnes, all Traytors, and the moste of them following this great Comaunder's Nephues, which oulde {folio 19} fellow could (if it had pleased him) have caused the said Nephues to have bene taken at anny tyme, I could name other dependents on this great man who might have done the like. Yf he have at anny tyme out of any traytours,{Private injurye reuenged and publique service neglected euill in a Generall.} it hath been because they presumed to spoyle his tennants, for not withstandinge his great Commaund and intertaynment from her Majestie and his owne mightiness in his contry, where he is able of himself to commaund a thousand men; {A signe that he loved them not.} yet hath he suffered the Poore Englishe men, even his nexte neighbours inhabitinge Lease to be subverted subjected and distroyed by the traytors of that Contrye the Moores whome he permitts to enjoy their landes and dwell in quiet beinge the nearest adjoyninge to his ouwne.{Kindnes will creepe where it cannot goe.}

{He who delighted to be wronged hath noe reason to Complaine of Injuryes.} Touchinge the wastinge of his landes becase he alleadgeth the same have been wasted, he discovereth himself to be content they should be soe; Ffor if he weare angrye {folio 20} whie did he not revengd himself uppon those that wasted them.

{An English question.} Yf hee deseyvred to have them inhabited whie did he not lett them to many Englishmen who upon my knowledge would gladly have bene his tenaunts.

But observe (I beseech youe) his disposition: he had rather his land should ly wast forever, then that anny Englishman should manure it, for (as yet) he could never abide one Englishman to dwell nere him.{Belyke they are bad neighbours.}

Nay more when the Englishmen sought to be other mens tennantes who had great Lordshipps lyinge wast, {For the Good will he beareth to the Nation.} he woulde presently write to the Lords of those landes willinge them in nowise to let them to ferme to anny English.

{folio 21}{A counsellor for the state, not a Counsellor for the Lawe.} To prove this he wrote a letter to a brother of his, that he in noe sort should lett a Counseller of that Realme have a Lordshipe of his to ferme, no nore to sett the same to any other Englishman, for if he did he would never be his frend.

{A mans fault is the less noted when he hath copartners in the action.} Hee that is of disposition to suffer his owne lande to lye wast, rather then to let it to the English, and to perswade other men to doe the lyke; what respect is there to be had of the waste of his landes.

Touching the Rebellion of some one of this great man his kindred; there are letters to be showen, and proffer to be made that he did nothinge but what he was commaunded, {Letters are tell tales, let them be burned.} I will not say by that mighty man nor that the letters were his, but let the {folio 22} examination try it.

{No fault in the trustes butt in the trusted.} When her Majestie did put him in trust in some sort with her whole kingdome of Ireland by givinge him the Commaund over all her Forces there. I will avowch that he found it in this state following: not one Rebell out in all Mounster:{Better founde than it was continued.} Connought in great likeliehood to be brought to obedience, for Orowrke was this tyme with the Governor Sir Conniers Clifford. Leynster like to be settled in peace, and safetie; and the rebeles put downe; The North (uppon my owne knowledg) would have been willinge to entertayne peace; All the fortes and houldes in Leinster were safe;{But the Case is altred.} all the English subjectes in Lease and Ophaly held their castles and dwellings.

And his helpe had given him only by my meanes,{It is more than ever that generall did.} In the first winter of his aucthoritie I saved all Leinster from burninge {folio 23} and spoylinge which I knewe a worthy counsellor of Ireland will testifie, for his credite (before her Majestie graced him with that authoritie) was nothinge.

Hee had not longe enjoyed the same aucthoritie but all the aforesaid three provinces namely Mounster, Counaught and Leynster,{The more to blame he.} were for the moste parte in rebellion; The greater number of the fortes in Leinster lost, Three of them before that, I knowe who kept with small chargde, and the other two without anny. Hee took those two from him that kept them.{Who will do the lyke?} The first he left in the custodie of a Coward; the second he gave to the Rebelles.{The worse bestowed.} And the third the lord of the Boyle. Wherein it stoode tooke as his right, who should therewithal have taken great care thereof, but by his men it was delivered to the traytors. {The losse is the greater.} And these fortes (as all men know) were of great importaunce to have been kept, because they stood exceeding {folio 24} fitly for service, and cost her Majestie much monie the buildinge.

The names of them were these; one was called Rathdrome that was given to a cowardly Captaine and he lost it, and strooke not one stroke to defend it.{A valiant soldier.} Another was Castle Revyn and that was given the traitors the Tooles. The third was called the Castle of Blackford,{They were not soe soone buylded.} and stood in Lease, and that is lost there, and all three rased and broken doune to the ground.

{A lamentable case.} All the Englishmen in manner through all Ireland ar banished and even they which have been there settled to inhabite since her Majesties owne tyme, turned out of all their castles and houses, their landes layde waste, their goodes burned and spoyled, and their dwelling laide flatt with the earth; {Either the Armye was smale or his necligence great.} And all this calamitie hath befallen them in the tyme of his government and Commaund of her Highnes Forces.

{folio 25}{Either for want of will or courage.} Besides this he hath not gone into the Traytors Contry to annoy them, which he might easilie have done without anie great damage or daynger.

Hee that hath seene the overthrowe of all the subjectes of Ireland in his owne tyme, and done her Majestie no service, is (in my opinion) to bee looked into, and that in tyme.

{It had bene better for Ireland if he had still remayned in England.} When her Majestie kept him heere in England there was not one Rebell out in all Ireland, if anie stirred, he was easely suppressed; And it hath beene toulde mee, the reason he alleadged to her Majestie for obtayning licence to goe over was to be revenged on that Arch Rebell Fewgh MacHugh and Walter Reugh his sonne in lawe {A good excuse.} for the wastinge of his landes and killinge of his Nephues, but his revenge is yet unexecuted. And yet I must needes say he made a great showe to have done it, {folio 26} and gathered a great number of horsemen and footemen togeather and went towards Fewghes Country, but he returned home without anny fight: And the next newes wee harde weare that he sent a safe conduct to Fewgh mac Hugh to come unto a feast;{A good feast and a bad guest.} uppon which protection Fewgh came thether and was honourablee entertayned, and much made of. There he spent some few dayes, and then returned to his Countrye, and that was the greatest revenge that he ever tooke on that ould traytor. {An yll meeting.} But this much I am shure of that those partes of Ireland were the worst for that Traytors goeinge to that feast.

Moreover the next Christmas followinge, Tyrone went to this great mans house: my selfe and divers other gentlemen in his Companie; {Open rebellion succeeded that secret conference.} Att that meetinge they had secret conference what it tended unto, was best knowne to themselves. {folio 27} But I am perswaded it was not for the good of her Majesties poore kingdome of Ireland.

{Men are wary howe they play when wise men looke on.} In all the tyme of Sir John Peritts government this man never made sute to goe into Ireland because he knewe (as the world supposeth) that Sir John was well acquainted with all his courses and that he would not suffer him to put any thinge in practise to prejudice her Majesties service. But in the succession of another debutie who was but poore and had made sute (as it was thought) for that place to repaire his decayed estate, thinckinge that poore deputie durst not crosse with him, for feare of his great frendes heare, who might seeke to recall him from that government if hee did. {Adventures for Comoditye are loth to be hindred in theyr voyage.} And the said deputie doubtinge it indeede did never finde fault with anny of his actions, though he knewe as much of this great manes doinges as anny other deputie; yet then lo he obtayned {folio 28} licence to goe into Ireland.{Over sone for the good of Ireland.}

{Satiety seldome pleaseth.} I woulde be loth to growe tedious in discoveringe this great commaunder in this first part, and therefore will here spare to speake further of him because (it may bee) I shall have occasion to say somethinge of him hereafter.

Onlie thus much for his credite, He is soe well knowne (in Ireland) that if he weare out of aucthoritie,{His credite dependeth upon his place.} there is noe man there will trust him, noe not the Traytors themselves who nowe feede him.

{A note of perilous man.} Further they will not come to him uppon protection, unless hee doe likewise send a pledge to remayne till the partie sent for do returne. Uppon this assurance they which offered him will peradventure come unto him, Ffor they holde him the most unjust man (of his word) livinge. In his writinge as untrue, for hee will write of the cuttinge of Hundreths, when he hath not slayne one.

{folio 29}{A man who is onely for himselfe is seldome good to any other.} Of his oune deedes and disposition intolerable will not sticke to make an end of any man when he can no longer serve his turne, or if he feare that his speech may anie way touch him in matters of moment.

{All were well yf one blemish were all.} This blemish is imposed uppon this great mans carriage for one spetiall note.

When there hath bene some notorious traytor out who by her Majesties servitors hath been brought soe lowe and driven to that extremitie that of necessitie hee must bee either taken or slayne. {Good pollecye to prevent a mischiefe.} Such plottes should bee devised that he should by noe meanes been taken, but rather slayne for feare of tellinge tales who had either incoridged him, abetted him, or mayntayned him.

{He who frequenteth one way will never misse yt.} Againe when other some such was (by protection) to come unto the state, if it were doubted that he could disclose some thing of this great manes actions he was suer to be mett {folio 30} and slayne by the way.

{Examples often do manyfest a matter.} For example one called (as I take it) Thomas Muttyn in the tyme of the late recited Sir John Perrott who was to come to discover great matters{A dead dog byteth not.} but he was mett by the way and prevented by slaughter, I knowe who did it, and can guess who procured it; but here will I leave to speake any more of this great commaunder except I shall by occasion stumble uppon him hereafter, yet this I thincke sufficient to discover his disemblinge in her Majesties service because havinge all the command of all her forces, he hath never gone with them into those mountaynes,{Either for love or for feare.} and Glynnes of the Bernes which he might have done without any daunger or damage. But hath suffered the traytours there to dwell in quiett possessing and enjoying the poore subjects goodes of the Pale.

{The meaner sorte of secreat Traytors.} Now am I to discover the meaner sorte of secret Traytors, who are of good wealth and abilitie but nothinge in comparison of this noted great man.

{folio 31}{Three secreat traytors named.} Amoungst many of that sort I purpose only to name three, who are neigboures: Whose dwellings are scituated, betwixt the forte in Lease and that in Ophaly; Even between the Moores and of the one and the Conners of the other, which Moores and Conners are open Rebelles, and there bee their names Terrence O Demsye, Hugh Boye and O Dunne.

These three dwellinge as I say betwixt those two fortes are of power (if they pleased) much to hinder the intercourse of the Traytors from the one countrye to the other.{These are able yf they were willinge to hinder the traytors entercourse.} But they were never the men when either of the said fortes have bene in extremitie for want of victtuales or otherwise that woulde ever releeve the same, their abilitie and meanes beinge verie great, yea and one of them Hugh Booye havinge landes bestowed upon him by her Majestie.

But to the Contrarie I can prove two of them notrorious Traytors who have bounde themselves by oth to the Traytors Moores {folio 32} Oney Mac Rorye and the rest and are secretelie the principall directors of the Rebells actions, I meane those Moores and Conners in Lease and Ophalye{Great frends to traitors.} yea and furnishers of their wantes with what soever is in their power.

These live not withstandinge in outward showe good subjects, they have countenance and frendes with the state,{Dissemblers with the state wynked att for bribes.} which they have purchased and doe still retayne by guiftes and bribes.

{A subject but in show aydeth traytors indeede.} So that although Hugh Boye have sonnes, brethren, kinsemen, and followers in open action of Rebellion, yet beeinge soe graced and frended, whoe dare say that he doth mayntayne them in theire trayterous proceedings secretly, soe longe as he is at libertie.

But if hee and Terence O Denncie whome {folio 33} I knowe to be as badd as hee, were both in holde (as it were speciall good service and justice) they should soone bee proved as I have here noted them.{Once comitted quiclie convicted.}

{The third sort of secreat traitors.} There is a third sorte of secret Traytors (and those noe meane persons) of whome I cannot speake by them selves, but I must be enforced to intermixe them with some apparant Rebells, and I must discover their names, {Yf their names be not discovered their actions wilbe covered.} otherwise their Actions will seeme nothinge, yet are their practises verie great and subtill.

{Traytors prevent the law.} It will no doubte seeme strange to your Honour that traytors in Action should have meanes by lawe to steed them. And her Majestie and her subjects (in that poynt) fayle of lawe to endamage them, which ambiguity is thus assoyled.

{folio 34}{Traytors save their lands.} There is not one Traytor out in all Ireland that is a man of landes though he and his followers be out in open Rebellion but he doth save the lande thus.

{The traitors pollecy in matchinge their heirs in mariage.} Before he enter into Action, he matcheth the heire of his house with some greate mans daughter or sister who stands a seeming good subject. Longe before this hee passeth over (and to his Heire assureth) all his landes, reservinge to himself an estate or Anuitye onely for terme of life. Soe by that mariage the same standes in.{The father an open traitor, the sonne a seeming subject.} And the father goeth into Rebellion, the sonne seemes to dislike the fathers proceedings, yea and inveieth sharplie against them to the outward show, yet in bene deed doth secretlie advertise, advise and direct his trayterous father in his Courses.

{folio 35}{An observation.} That this is soe: I beseech ye but to observe (for example) the Traytors of Mounster specially.

{An example of the traytors pollecye.} There is one called the White Knight otherwise Edmund Mac Gibbon; his sonne and heire is mareid to the Daughter of the Lord of Dunboyne; he is a subject and doth invey against his fathers Actions. But this sonne well looked unto will prove a more dangerous Traytor than his father, For from him his father receyveth intelligence and direction. This sonne hath the advice of his father in law, who is as verie a Traytor (were all knowne) as his sonne in law or his father.

{Directions come to the Traytors by Degrees.} This father in law the Lord of Dunboyne Receiveth his directions from the greatest of all the Irish Lordes even hee whome her Majestie most trusteth; who being rightly {folio 36} looked into, will fall out to be the greatest Traytor of all.

{Yf all the Irish lords were as good subjects as they would seeme, some traytors could not stand.} This Edmunde Mac Gibbon alias the White Knight could not stand as now hee doth if all the bordering Lordes aboute him were not his frends. For there are many of them of farre greater power than hee, and able to cutt him of (if it were their pleasure) as Your Honour will soone perceive when I shall name them.

{A traytor dwells in peace amongst the Irish Lords.} First this Traytors dwelling is even in the midst of all these Lordes and great men, my Lord of Ormond is next to him. The Lord of the Desye next him, Patrick Condon next, then the Lord Roche then the Lord of Cayer. Those three last were all Traytors but now are subjettes as yt were.

The Lord of Cayer hath no child. But when he was a Traytor and out in action {folio 37} his second brother beinge Heire to his house stoode in.

{The sonne inveigheth against the father onlie in show.} When the Lord Roche was a Traytor his eldest sonne stoode in, and spake sharplie againste his father; But it was but to the outward show.

{Two become traytors to reveng privat grudges.} This Lord Roche and that Patrick Condon went only out of purpose to be revenged upon some of the undertakers, who contented with them in Lawe for their lands which when they had executed, their frends made meanes to bringe them in agayne. And now beinge in they doe more hurt then when they were out.

{An Earl as lawfully created.} The new Earle of Desmond (made by Tyrone) his dwellinge is close to the Lord Roche, the Lord Barrye and to Patrick Condon; and all the landes of those three last named are quietlie inhabited, yet that pretensed {folio 38} Earle as notorious traytor.

{Two could not stand, if the rest would have them fall.} Who can thincke that this upstart Earle or that White Knight coulde possiblie stand yf those Lords were disposed to have them doune. But such is the force of this Rebellious Combynacion.

These are the Traaytors of the hither parte of Mounster.

Now for those that are of the further part of Mounster which is called Kerrye. {Affinitie with traitors hindreth the performance of Dutye.} There is an affinittye (I may not call it Combinacon) but I can prove it affinitye betwixt them and some great ones in whose kindred those Traytors are maried, which great personages might doe great service upon those traytors of Kerrye if it soe pleased them. And as in right they ought, because they receive great pay and entertaynment of her Majestie for the which they doe little or nothinge; for they doe never offend {folio 39} those nor other traytors of Mounster at all.

I will forbeare to give an instance because I will not be thought to deale too hardly. {Judge the rest.} But the Lord Fitz Morrys, sonne and heyre is maried to the Earle of Thoomonds sister.

Fitz Morrys the father is an open Traytor. The soone abydeth in and enveyeth againste his father, and that is hurt ynough for him to doe. Yet notwithstanding his reproaching his Trayterous father, {Prettie Jugling.} he can finde meanes to have his maintenance out of his fathers Contrie, and Conference at his pleasure.

Yf the Erle of Toomond were soe disposed (though otherwise I hould him a noble gentleman) I am perswaded he might suppresse all those Traytors in Kerrye at his pleasure, because there is but a river {folio 40} betwixt him and them. And none of those Traytors could possiblie offend him because of that River

The entertayment for himself and his souldiers doth amount to four thousand poundes by the yeare, yf the Queene alow it him onlie to preserve Toomond, he is exceedinglie bounden to her Majestie. Otherwise I know noe cause why soldiers should bee there,{Soldiers lye where they do noe service.} for that there is noe Enemie who can offend the Countrye; Neyther ys there dwelling any English subject except one or two poor men who depend upon the said Erle.

By this may your Honour perceive how the traytors prevent the Law by settinge over their landes to feoffees {Traytor Feoffees in trust as untrustie as traitors.} before they enter into action which Feoffers (yf they were knowne) are no doubt as verie {folio 41} Traytors as themselves. Also how their heires doe save those landes by standinge in them with those of their affinitie; And how loth great lordes (in whose families the rest have matched) are either to discover them or to doe service upon them: when it is an easie matter (yf they were soe disposed) for them to suppresse all the traytors in that Province, and soe the like in other. Soe may youe likewise discerne in what sort her Majesties favours and entertainments are bestowed, and what use is made of them.

Thus have I discovered such and soe many (of the secreat traytors of this kinde) as the tyme and my present purpose will permit;{A simile of subtill and bad servitors.} whom from the mightiest to the meanest I doe lyken to those people which dwell upon the borders and boundes of a forrest, and the open traytors to the deare. Noe man dare without warrant hunt nor kill within the forrest. But yf the deer straye abrode {folio 42} into the purlues everie peasant and Swayne dare then kill them. Soe doe their secreat deale by those open Traytors. Soe longe as they will keepe within their oune streingthe and fastnes they will never enter to disturb them. But yf they come abroade with their landes and annoye any of their tenauntes, then they dye for yt. Onely here is the difference, Those who have warrant will kill the deere within the forrestes those havinge warrant and Comaunde, yea and pay to doe yt, will not kill the Queenes enemyes dwell they never soe nere them, soe that they keepe within their owne boundes. And though they happen to straye abroade, as long as they endamage not them (let them spoyle and kill never soe many good subjects especially the English) they will never molest them.

Now am I to speake of certaine Open traytors who both by their title and their {folio 43} Action may seeme to be discovered already yet beinge rightlie Considered they lye not soe open to the world,{Open traytors and yet must be made more manifest.} but is is requisite to manyfest them more, because the clowd whereby some of them are halfe shadowed, is the greatnes of a mightie nere borderinge personage.

{Traytors as manyfest though not so mightie as these two.} To make mention of Tyrone, Odonell and those whom all the world can name (as well as my self) were needles or to note those remote savage Rebelles were as vayne. Wherefore my intent is in this place for brevity sake to speake of those within the Pale. Even such as are nere bordering neighbours unto that man of Aucthoritye and power of whom I have soe often made mention in this discoverye. And first I will beginne with the Traytors the Moores of Lease and their adherents next joyning the place where they inhabite.

{folio 44}{A sept of Traytors named.} The names of the principall Moores who do commaunde men are these, Owney mac Rorye o Mooer the chiefest of them: Next him is Donell macc Owney O More; then Owney macc Shane O More, Fawghnye macc Fawghnye O More; and Edmond Carron O Moore of the great wood in Lease, a base brother to Owney macc Rorye.

{Traitors to whom ye Queen hath bene bountifull.} With these are Combyned certayne traytors who seeme to depend upon that aforesaid great Commaunder, and dyveres of these Rebells have received landes and pencions from her Majestie.

These are their names: the Keatynges dwellinge in a place called Sleemarge in Lease. {A Captaine of ye Queens Kerne gross and unweldye yet a traytor.} One of them named Redmund Keatynge hath had entertaynment from her Majestie as a Captayne of her Kerne to the value of vij (xx) li per annum (£120) besides landes, and this is that huge unweldy Rebell whom a horse {folio 45} cannot carrye of whome I made mention in the beginninge of this discoverie. And his and the rest of the Keatings landes lye next unto the Lands of that mightie man of whom I have soe often spoken.

{Unthankfull Rebells.} Then are there the Gallinglasses of Lease who have alsoe landes and great pencions of her Majestie yet they are all in action with the traytors the Moores and have bene the moste cruell towards the Englishmen inhabitinge that Countrye.

Then is there one Teage Macc Murto Oge who is tenant unto that great Commaunder; who hath three brethren all traytors and he and they are unckles to the Chiefe Traytors Oney Macc Rorye O More. There are also a sept of the Kellyes in rebellion over whom that great personage hath a spetiall {folio 46} command (as also over all the rest) yf it woulde please him to use yt.{He who might restrayne these doth let them take theyr pleasure.} All these were Traytors and Confederates with the father of this Oney Macc Rorye and Counsellors to the father as they are now to the sonne.

{Part of the mistery discovered.} Herein is discovered some part of that misterye whereof I spake in the beginninge namely that Lordes of Territories such as those of Mounster men of great wealth such as Demsye, Hugh Boye, O Dunne, and those Keatings, Galliglasses, Kellyes and many other over longe to name. And men that have large pentions as this Redmond Keatinge who may be reckoned amongst the number of the moste unfitt men to enter into action by reason of his unweldines. That these together with Cripples, aged, ympotent persons should be in open Rebellion I suppose the cause to be partly for that they are backed by their betters {folio 47} {The tenants of a greate subject pay wages to the traytors.} whose Tennaunts and followers (of the better sort) do commonlye and Contynuallie paye wages to the Traytors souldiers to fight against her Majesties Armye. And partlie for that they are receyvers of such goods as the rebels do steale or take violentlye from the good subjects (and especially from the English) whereby they reape great profite.

{A speciall proviso and worthie to be observed.} But would it please her Majestie that speciall order might be taken that none of these here noted should by anny meanes be pardoned or receyved to protection except he should come in apon the cuttinge of some of the Moores or other notorious traytors; Especially that none of these who have receyved such bountye from her Majestie in Lands and pencions (as many of them have) shoulde be accepted to mercy).

Then shall youe fynde that eyther the {folio 48} Moores will destroye these, or these will quight cut of the Moores thereby to reobtayne her Majesties favour. And rules this order be taken with those Ketyngs and Galliglasses, Teage mac Murto Oge and his brethren and the Kelleys, her Majesties forces shall hardlie make an end of the Moores, my reason is this yf they be called in, they will secretlie uphold the Moores, which have noe dwelling place nor land to rest upon but that which they have taken from the Englishmen of Lease from the which yf they be dreyven they must rainge from place to place {One traytor will stead another.} and these men will secretly mayntayne them or direct them how to dispose of themselves. And to leave that countrey for a season and to returne when they shalbe soe advised by these noted men. And at the departure thence of those Moores (yf they chaunce to be forced thence) these fellowes will take theyr welth into saffe custodye until {folio 49} they may agayne enjoy it as now they doe.

{Pardons and protections doe much hurt in Ireland.} And sence I have here occasion to speake of pardons and protections, give me leave to discover how baselie the state of Ireland doth seek after everie Traytor to accept his pardon, or to take protection. Though it be but for a tyme whereupon everie base Traytor of Ireland will say, why should I not now revenge my self on anye man that hath offended mee or enrich my self by any manes goodes whom I malice? Sith I am assured to have my pardon when I will. But if protections were not soe popular as now they are, to those who take but occasion of Rebellion for advantage, And that Lordes of teritoryes and such as have landes and pencions might never be pardoned,{These proclamacions good.} but not taken of them and speciall proclamaycion {folio 50} made of reward for their heades they would be fearfull to become traytors knowinge there were now noe favour nor mercy to expect.

{Fault in the order as well as in the manner of proclamacions.}

There is likewise as great a fault in the order of proclamacions for at the arrivall of everie new deputie yf there be any acison of warres to be followed; then is present proclamacion made, to offer her Majesties mercy to anny Rebell that will come in and submitte himselfe. These proclamacions are too full of Levitie; for the offenders (accept the benefite thereof) with all advantages to serve their owne turnes, thereby to uphold the rest of the Traytors from whome they come, And do not submitt themselves in true zeale with purpose to becom good subjects. {Traitors take advantage of such proclamacions.} But to goe out agayne upon everie smale occasion, especiallie if the service {folio 51} happened to fayle: that is intended aagainst the Traytors their complices. Soe that if this proclamacion were never made but in another kynde yt were better (namelie) to lett them knowe; that since bountie and kyndnes will not bind them to be good subjects, her Majestie doth purpose to prosecute all Traytors (with the Royall forces){This is the way to do good.} who are out in open action, and feindinge any of their frendes within who carrie the Countenance of good subjects; And yet doe secretlie ayde and assist them to execute such dissemblers, by her Majesties Lawes and to receive noe knowne Traytors to mercie but such as shall come in upon good service, and bloude of some notorious Rebell. Suche proclamacions, made and accordinglie performed are likely to do good in the service of Ireland.

{folio 52}Thus have I discovered soe many of both sortes of Traytors as may suffitiently serve to manifest all the rest, as alsoe what benefit they reape by pardons, protections and proclamacions; I have likewise in some sorte shewed how to prevent such advantages as they seeke by the same, now it remayneth that I discover the corruption of some great offiers, even Counselors of that kingdome, and the Cowardlines of some Captaynes, and the carelesse and unskilfull handling of her Majesties service there.

{Bad officers discovered.} First let me speake of them generally there is noe prince in the worlde served by officers as is her Majestie by those of Ireland who have seene millions of her treasure spent in that service and yet not able to give her Majestie and your Honours anye udnerstandinge how her fforces may be best imployed to prevayle against the Rebells, fewe of {folio 53} either of them can or will doe justice to anye man that is wronged, or restrayne any man from doing hurt, who is able and willing, or when any mischeefe is done can they dyrect any servitor how to doe service upon the offendor, by which meanes they bringe dishonour to the state, {Evill officers do much harme.} disgrace to themselves, offence to many unstayed subjects, and a generall obloquye to our nation through their corrupt and in direct dealinge; as may appeare by this that followeth.

{A report they toucheth our credite.} The Traytors report abroad that there is noe trust in us; because (say they) wee will finde twentie occasions to wrong them when they live amongst us whereby they are sure to be hanged or deteyned in prison: or els to lose all their goodes without right or redemption. Or else they must brybe most {folio 54} extreamly and soe (perchaunce) they may kepe their owne out of daunger, but he that hath not wherewith to brybe, is shure to lose all. On the other side, say they, when we are Traytors we are subject but to two thinges;{A prettie sayinge of the Irish.} first the English churle must hit us before he can kill us, and he must take us before he can hange us: And this is all the daunger we are in, when we trust not the English but are of ourselves, and stand upon our guard, these are the sayinges of the Rebells.

{Necligence of officers hurteth the subject and putteth the prince to Charge.} The necligence of some of these great officers will (I feare) cost her Majestie many thousand poundes to recover Lease and Ophaly from the Traytors, the Moores the Connores and to repossess her English subjects who have there been planted to inhabit since her Majesties owne tyme, whome god forbid she {folio 55} should suffer to be dispossessed of their landes and despoyled of their goodes without sharpe revenge upon those Rebells whom at her gratious pleasure she is able to depresse.

{Objection:} Yt may be, they will object that the fault was not in them but in those inhabitants; partlie I confesse it was, {Answer:} because they performed not those covenantes and condicions where they were bounden to the Queene for their owne defence yett many of those poore Creatures lost their blood in defending that which her princely bountie had bestowed upon them. But the greatest fault indeed was in the governors appoynted over them,{The people perish where the governours are careless.} who did not in tyme take care to see them punished with men and horses accordinglie, especiallie perceyvinge a great lyklyhoode of {folio 56} war to ensue. Att which tyme the people were able to have furnished themselves according to their tenures; butt suppose they had not, yet better had yt bene for them to have used all their meanes and proved all their Creditts,{Better layout a little then lose all.} than to have lost all their substance and manye of their lyves; which had her Majesties Offiers bene provident myght in tyme have bene prevented, and they provided upon their owne Charge but nowe of necessetie be recovered at her Majesties cost, otherwise it wilbe the greatest dishonour that once hapned to soe high and absolute a Prince as is her Majestie of whome the mightiest kinges of Christendome doe stand in awe.

{Where faultes are infinit all cannot be uttered.} To ripp up all their sinister practises, corrupt dealings improvident necligences and eyther wilfull or unskilfull igorances {folio 57} would require a volume as large as the Crounickle, for brevitie therefore I will cease to speake of them generallie and will spetiallie note two or three of them, whome with the rest, I will humble referr to your Honours Censure.

I have hard an old sainge which seldom proveth false: which is he that hath once bene a professed papist, Priest, or a Fryer (Lett him turne both his note, and his cote as well as he can){It is hard to putt of a habite.} is ever afterward held but dishonest, yet such there are who do hold great place of Credite and aucthoritye. But how unfit the Consciences of such are to be trusted, I leave to your Honours Consideracion.

{Wante of arte leaves matter disjoyned} I am sorie that his ensuinge storie doth follow soe immediatelie because the may seeme necessarylie to depend one upon another {folio 58} but that I referr unto judgment.

{Great faultes in others seeme smale in this man.} There is a great man in Ireland who though he be manye wayes to be touched for certayne kindes of Treason, for deceivinge her Majestie and for extorting upon her good subjectes yet will I spare him for all these, And will onely speake of one Conninge practise which he useth; which (were it not in soe great a personage) would be thought mere Cousenage; It is this, When he hath any any tyme a great purchace in hand,{Borrowinge money of a Recusant.} yf he know of anye Recusant who is well monyed Or of anny Lord who (he thincketh){Borrowing of som Irish lord.} shall have neede of his frendshipp, the same Lord having store of money:{Borrowinge of Captaines who are gainers by bad gettings.} Or yf there a a Captaine whoe hath bene imployed amongst the Irish and by his intertayment or his extorcion, or both is become wealthie and moneyed. Then to all these sortes of men will he send and {folio 59} borrowe of some a C li £100 or some more for the which he doth give them his bondes and he hath the money for one respect or an other. But when the tyme of payment cometh and they humblie demand their money they cannot have it,{Money may be twice demaunded before it be once had.} and yet dare they not bringe their bondes in question, least he being offended should pay them, and then by his Aucthoritye and power, plage them by one means or other; wherein they know they are faultye. {They pay for their faultes.} Insomuch as theye must be contented to be silent and hold their moneye loste and never demmaund yt after, In this sort hath he gotten great somes of money. I can name some one of all these severall kyndes of whome he hath had yt.

There is another Counselor in Ireland {folio 60} either of noe conscience or havinge anye the same ys exceedinge corrupt:{A corrupt Conscience.} for he will take great bribes, and yett not accomplish that which he promiseth in takinge them: whereas I will be bould to sett downe one instance.

{A storie of a gentleman of Ireland deceaved in his expectation.} There is a gentleman in the Castle of Dublyn who hath lyen there a prisoner (for his conscience) these xiiij (or) ten yeares, his wealth before his Commitment was knowne to be great. But by his charges in prison, and the Traytors spoylinge his goodes abroade, He is now become poore. This gentleman upon a tyme (by meanes) procured his enlargement in the tyme whereof he made sute to this Counsellor that he would soe much favour and stead him, as he might (by his procurement) enjoy his liberty duringe his lyfe, which if this Counsellor would Compasse for him: {folio 61} The gentleman woulde (in lieu thereof) give unto him parte of his landes, and a house standinge thereupon worth forty poundes by the yeare, The Counsellor accepted his offer. And upon Condicion to keepe this poore Gentleman out of the castle and to assure him his libertye duringe his lyfe, received possession of the landes simpley delivered by this gentleman in hope to have had all promises performed. He had not enjoyed his lybertye longe; butt eyther by the Aucthority or the spleene of some greater Counsellors the gentleman was agayne convicted and committed, and soe at this houre remayneth. {A large bribe given for nothinge.} Yet the Counselor holdeth that fortie pound land a yeare without payinge anny rent or performinge Condicions. Yet nothwithstandinge dare not this gentleman seeme greeved or complayne for {folio 62} feare this Coujnsellor should cause his wife and children to be alsoe Comitted, who are noe doubt in their Religion as supersticious as himself.

It would greatlie encreace your Honour and love in Ireland yf it would please you to effect this poore gentleman his enlargment2 upon good assurance for this loyaltie and ever forth cominge; When he shalbe called;{All offend and but one punished.} The rather for that the whole kingdome standeth upon termes for Religion and noe one troubled but hee. And I have knowne many of good sort commytted for the same; And yet for bribes inlarged. And many also of the worst sorte imprisoned namelye popish Pristes, Rome created Bishopps and Fryers etc. and yet for bribes sett at libertye: This (together with the moane which the {folio 63} poore gentleman and his sonne have made unto mee whilst I was prisoner in the said Castle of Dubline) incyteth me to make this petition: which though it should not bee graunted, yet me thinckes that corrupt Counsellor should be questioned for taking a bribe soe dishonorablye. And justice done to the Gentleman either to be repossessed the landes or to receave his Rent:{The one or the other is reasonable.} And that this Gentleman may live without feare of that Counsellor both for himself and his children: which Counsellor (in my opinion) deserveth rather punishment than such a high place. And I would to god I might be commanded to deliver this poore gentlemans name soe as hereby I might do him any good.

What good service can ther be expected {folio 64} at his handes who besides the place of a Counsellor doth alsoe hold a Commaund of souldiers, for both of which he hath large entertaynment and liberall paye from her Majestie. And yet dealeth in sort following.

{A tale of a great Captaine.} This Counsellor; this Captein, this Commaunder hath been robbed by a Traytor which traytor hath (by a servitor) bene taken, bound and sent by a leader of the said servitors (unto him the sayd Counsellor) with this message: Either that he should hang the same thieffe and Rebell soe sent him, or els yf he did not, then he durst not for feare of the Traytors partakers.{He had belyke some reason to refuse yt.} This Counsellor hath utterlie refused to have that traytor brought to his presence, but hath referred the determynacion of the matter to his wives discretion. She {folio 65} hath compounded with the saide traytor for restetucion of her husbandes goodes, she hath taken the traytors oth upon a booke for performance thereof, which othe he hath kept, he hath restored and she hath received her stolne goodes.{An oth after the Irish manner.}

{The matter is referred to judgment} I know not whether this be treason or not, wherefore I referre it to your Honours Judgment, as also how worthie or unworthie he is of his Counsellors place, but speciallie of his Captaynes office; who havinge men in Entertaynment (who should kill Traytors) dare not when theye are taken to his hand, and sent to him bound over execute justice upon them, especiallie havinge such a message sent him that yf he did it not he durst not do it.

{folio 66}This upon my creditt I will prove against that Counsellor to be most true.

I am wearie to thincke upon, and more werye to declare the sundrie corruptions of divers of these Counsellors{A good man is wearie to record bad matter.} wherefore as I began with one of their necligences, soe will I end with one of their ignorances leavinge them to her Majesties mercy and your Honours discretion in this and the rest.

They have bene witnesses of many benefittes bestowed by her Majestie upon the Irish,{They make on benefite of their experience.} yet can they not trulie enforme her of the disposition of anye Irishman whereby her bountie is lost and her princelie Clemensie abused.

My meaning is not in this discoverie {folio 67} to taxe all the Counsellors of that kingdome, for some there are wise, just,{The good are excepted out of his discoverye.} and to be honoured for many good reports but onlye to note those that are unworthie of soe great a tytle much lesse of soe high a place.

{Discoverye of Captaines.} Now doe I intend to discover some of my owne Coat3 shewing some few of their imperfections, because I would not be thought soe homely a birde to defile my owne nest.

I doe know some in that kingdome professed Captaynes, who are indebted to her Majestie as much as twentie yeres fightinge doth amount unto which I doe not see how they can paye,{Belike they doe love to sleepe in whole skinnes.} because all men doe know them to be soe poore in Courage, as they dare neither fight {folio 68} either in her quarrel or theire owne; for if they (or any frend for them) can prove that they have broken one night's sleepe,{They love theyr ease well.} or once gone over theyr shoes these twentie yeares to prosecute or cut of any Traytors or offender within anye of their Governmentes then lett mee lose my Credit. Then is there smale reason (in my Conceyt) to allow them for directors who can not answer their owne defects. Neyther is there (in my opinion) soe great an Enemye to the State of Ireland,{Cowardlie Captaines give the Traytors advantage.} as they who profess themselves Captaynes and dare not fight. Yet are such preferred before those of whose good service all that kingdome can beare witness; {Cowardes are better accepted than valiant servitors.} For their actions are questioned, and their Credites canvassed soe as the good servitor standes in danger of Imprisonment nay even of {folio 69} death in steid of reward for noe cause (except it be refusing to doe base and dishonest offices) when such cowardlye Captaines have preferment both by office and Aucthorites.

Others there are whome I verelie suppose to be no Cowardes, and yet they doe little or noe service upon the Traytors which faulte I will impute rather to their Idlenes,{Idlenes is a fault as well as Cowardice.} than to any affection they beare to anny traytor for any respect to favor him, And yet there cannot be a more apparent note to discover them to be either notable cowards, Idle servitors or firme frends to the Rebells,{Who are Enemyes to subjects ar frendes unto traytors.} and consequentlie Enemyes to the good subjects than their lyinge with many soldiors feedinge upon the subjects {folio 70} suffereinge them continuallie to be spoyled by the enemy, yett they seldome or never stir to recover the subjectes losses, or endamage the Traytors any way.

{Yll examples not to be followed.} They who finde themselves touched in this may answere me and that trulie, they doe but receive example from their superiors for indeede how can her Highnes service goe rightlie forwarde when he which hath bene trusted with the greatest command of the Forces,{Faultes ys now in one man.} is knowne (there) a Coward, Couvetous, Slothfull, Unjust in worde and deede, and eyther merelie unskilfull or wilfullie ignorant in directing the affayres wherewith his is put in trust where if he weare valiant, bountifull, industrious, true of his word, and well experiences in those warres, havinge a sufficient Armye (att her Majesties charge) as he hath or at least hath had, what service might he {folio 71} not performe which he should be willinge to accomplishe. {Evill service.} But beinge otherwise the charge is but Consumed, her Majesties trust abused, and her service left unfinished, which kind of servitors must in tyme be looked unto, or your Honour and the rest are not to expect the cuttinge of her Majesties greatest Enemy in Ireland.

{A question under correction.} Yf I durst presume to expostulate I woulde demaunde whether that money be absolutelie cast awaye when some one man in great place (in that service) hath intertayment of her Majestie for himself (and such as depend upon him) six thousand poundes by the yere. And yet neyther he nor they either doe, or ever did, anye one dayes service disserving the pay of one of their dayes Entertayments,{Smale service for so great wages.} yet moste of the said paye commeth clerelie into their owne purses, by reason that the poore subjectes doe beare all the burthen of the soldiers. And yf anny of his {folio 72} owne peculiar followers happen to use extortion, (the subject complaying) doeth never find remeddye by reason this Commaunders greatnes upon whome they depend; And if notice be not taken of those that deceive her Majestie thus palpablie and remedy found who can imagine, But that her Highnes treasure must at length be quight wasted, and her subjects soone devoured, and compelled to starve when they who should guard them,{They use the benefite of the time.} do opresse them greedilie attending their owne pryvate gayne and the benefite of some particular favouries of theirs more than her Majesties service or the generall good of that kingdome.

{A good example maye be made of one of these two.} Twoe sortes of servitors there are in that realme of Ireland. And her Majestie shall never have good service of either until there be example made of one of them, even by the losse of his lyfe.

{Great errors do sometime attend upon great actions.} The one of these is accustomed to performe {folio 73} manye greate services and ther withal (though unwillinglie) to commit manye great faultes and errors as he can not chuse who shall effect any good service there. Those faultes are (in some sorte) warrantable. And yett not soe securelie warranted but (if he have mightie enemyes) he may be brought in question for his life; the dread of which hazard, is the hinderance of many notable services.

The other is of great power and Aucthoritie mightie in place and frendes; and as he is such, doe doth he comite all those faultes{ faultes without service.} which the former servitor doth yea and many farr greater and in grosser manner. And yet doth not one good peece of service.

It weare therefore requisite in my poore judgement that both these were brought in question without respecte to person to answere their actions and to receive due reward for the same. Never doubtinge least the {folio 74} drawinge of the greatest to try all shoulde cause the other Lordes of Ireland to stand discontented.{Great trees yeld great shadows.} For it is the libertie, countenaunce, and authorities of that greatest that makes them insolent; but were he in handling and questioned the rest would soone thinke and submitt, and by all meanes seeke and sue for pardon: which they are shure there quicklie to obtayne, especially yf they be of abillitye to doe anny harme abroade,{It is better yeld and live than be taken and dye.} againe they know yf they should stand out and be taken and brought to answer by lawe they are shure to lose their lyves.

In respect whereof although in this discoverie I might touch many of them I hold it most convenient either to call the greatest Lord of all the Irish in question or his Corruption or els {folio 75} {Take the best first that the rest may amend.} at least to have him withdrawne from thence further which would not onlie terrefie the rest and reduce them to obedience and service doings. But it would encourage good servitors in their worthie proceedinges {When the bad is removed the good may take place.} when they shall see the speciall hinderer of their best indevors and most needfull services removed.

{A great Army mayntayned and smale service performed.} No prince in Christendome mayntayneth such an Army as doth her Majestie havinge noe service performed, for as those warres are now managed they are neither offensive nor defensive. {Warre neither offensive nor defensive.} But all that is done is to consume her treasure, and her subjectes provision, which men (of vallor and knowledge) would be ashamed to doe; for they with such a power (yea and farre smaller) would be often tymes in the {folio 76} Enemyes country (even in the heart of his strength) preyinge and spoylinge, which offence to the Traytors were a defence to the subject, But such as are chief Commaunders there now, will not be ashamed of anye thinge,{Some are ashamed of nothinge.} thought it concerne them in reputacion never so dispellinge of such a dull leaden temper on their spirits though their faces be of brasse; for lett them receive never soe great disgrace, yett will they find covert conning meanes to be steaded with frends.

That this is most true that poor kingdome too dear bought by Experience can wittnes; Wherefore mee seemes that (even in Conscience) such kinde of men shoulde be found out and with all disgrace {folio 77} disjected from their high places of commaunde, and quight rejected from the Army. And that neither their tonges nor their pennies should be permitted to excuse their cowardlie demeanors but let their Actions justefie their worth.{Excuses are not tollerable where faultes are intollerable.} And suffer not the generall Commaunder to passe excused with saying he wanted this or wanted that for havinge the soldiers (in any reasonable proporcion){Any proporcion of soldiers may doe some service.} he might do good service not withstanding the Enemye were farre stronger than hee.

Yf these and such like (as well Counsellors and Cheefe Comaunders as Cowardlie Captaynes) were called in question the first sorte for their corruption, the {folio 78} latter for their Idlenes, and both for their bade service and everie of them ponished accordinge to the qualitie of their offences; what an example would it be of excellent justice; and what Honour to Her Majestie and to England consideringe they have deserved more than her princlie clemencye would inflict,{Justice if often mitigated by the Princes Clemencye.} by losing so many old soldiours there, and many new sent thither from hence through their neclegence, and yet noe service performed. Besydes many are fallen from their loyaltye only for want of Justice, which they ought to have ministered.

And sithence I am here speakinge of soldiers give me leave I beseech you to digresse a little (and yet not much {folio 79} impertinently) to beemone a great number of poore simple men of England sentt into Ireland to serve who after they have bene there but a while, become unable to doe anye service.{Soldiers sent from England want necessaries in Ireland.} The reason is, the soldier hath too much of that whereof he hath no neede. And too little (or nothinge at all) of that whereof he hath most neede yf this doe seeme a wonder I will yet discover a matter more strange.

{The Queenes soldiers Enemyes to her subjects.} The Queenes soldiers are apoynted to defend the Queenes subjects, but (as the case now standeth) the Queenes Army is in manner as great an Enemye to the subjects of Ireland as are the Rebells. The reason is {folio 80}Her Majesties Forces are (for the moste parte) garrisoned in the hart of the English Pale and lodged in the best Townes of that province which receiveth them.{The soldiers garrisoned in the Pale consume theyr pay and the subjects provition.} There they lye Consuminge of the Queenes allowance, and feedinge upon the subjects for what the Traytors do not take from them the souldiers devower under Couler of defending them; when indeed their Idlenes doth undoe both the subject and soldiors; For yf the soldiors were stirring into the Enemyes Countrye they might now and then bring in some pray or bootye of cattell to sell the subject as a resonable price which would some what relive the soldier, and helpe the subject towards the manuringe of his land, and the {folio 81} poore man would thincke his burthen easie yf he were somtyme soe pleasured. But the soldiers lyinge still hinders the service, hurts himself, and utterlie undoeth the subject.

But yf I were worthie to put in practise what my penn setteth downe I would pawne my lyfe to prosecute such a course, as the Traytor shoulde be wearie of his Rebellion,{A course maybe taken to make the Traytors wearie of theyr Rebellion.} and the subjects well defended duringe the service; and all the soldiers removed out of all those great Townes.

Here I have good occasion to discover how needles a charge it is for her Majestie to garrison her soldiers in anny of those good Townes for their defence.{Garrisons are needles in great townes.} For allthough {folio 82} I doe knowe that moste of the inhabitants are notorious and obstinat Papistes, and can hardlie be true to her in hart (being through their religion) false to god, and (for that cause, and countrye sake) doe rather affect the traytors than the soldiers,{The townsmen will help the Rebells when the Queens soldiers shall starve.} for there shalbe nothing in there Townes but the Rebells shall have it when the soldiers shall lye in their streetes, some hurte, some sicke, and be suffered there to starve: As (with harts greefe I speake it) I have seene too too many yet for all this (I am perswaded){The townsmen will trust the Traytors to enter theyr townes.} if those Townesmen should be commaunded to sett open their gates (as well as they affect the Traytors and befrend them) they would not suffer them to enter, but rather carefullie shutt them out, and {folio 83} defend their walles against them because they doe know the tyranny of the Irishmen to be such,{The Irishmen tyrannise over their Countrymen.} as they would take from them all that ever they are worth. Soe that where they are now shure of somethinge, they should then be masters of nothinge. And therefore there is not anye Cittie or towne in Ireland (which doth stand upon Marchandice) that will suffer anny Irish man to Commaund yt.

{The love though they trust not one another.} Yett is there such love and league betwixt them, as the Rebells will not anoy those townes men which befrend them. As for example.

Fedder {Two townes spa which might be easely surprised.} There are two of the prettiest Townes in all that parte of Ireland called {folio 84} and Cashell bothe scituate nere the Trayors of Mounster, which thogh they be walled, yet ar they soe weake, that at any tyme fiftye men may surprise either of them. And yet they are left unspoiled.

Wherefore omittinge other reasons before mentioned, I hold it unecessarye to garrison soldiers in any of theose great townes for these respectes followinge. {2 reasons why soldiors do noe good in great townes.} First the Townes men need them not, for if they did, they would cherish them, nexte the soldiers lyinge in townes, suffer the Rebells to take their pleasure in the countrye.

{This towne standeth upon Shanon an excellent river.} The speciall towne in all that kingdom to be loked unto is Lymrick, because it standeth fortye myles from the sea upon one of the best rivers of that {folio 85} Land, under the walles whereof a shippe of 4 or 500 tonne may safelie Ryde. This Cittie is (of itself) soe stronge as it such an Enemye as Spayne had it,{If an Enemy had this towne how dangerous it weare.} he would make it invincible. Besides (havinge this towne) he would absolutelie Commaund the River of Shanon, and the whole Province of Connaught on the other side, because, it is in manner an Iland. And moste parte of Mounster on the other side of the Shanon.

Albeit the Cittye of Lymrick be of this strength, yet may it easilie be held in saftie and obedience.{Easley preserved being looked unto in tyme.} Soe as the Castle were stronglie fortified, the ordynance mounted and well planted, store of powder and shott, and a stronge warde of {folio 86} fortie men put into it. Then the Towne would never dare to stirre. But as the Castle is now it may be easily taken whensoever the towne shall have a purpose to revolt and turne Traytors wherefore it were good (in my opinion) this towne were speciallie and speedelye looked unto.

{Good use to be made of this and other townes.} Great use is to be made of this and of manye other townes in everie province of Ireland althoughe there be noe garrisons placed in them; for they may stand her Majesties Armye in good steede to have ghest houses buylded in them, wherein to relieve hurt, sicke and maymed soldiors and (in my opinion) they cannot be better ymployed.

Havinge discovered the Corruptions and misdemeanors of many of the mightie men of {folio 87} Ireland as Counsellors and great officers and other of speciall imployment, as alsoe Traytors both secret and open, and some of their frends both in the countrey and cittyes and Townes: I hold it not alltogether from the purpose, for the knittinge up of this discoverye, in a word or two to manifest the generall disposition of all the Irish, and how unlike it is that they should be faithfull to her Majestie or lovinge to our nation; untill the peace of that land be recovered, and many disorders therein reformed.

{The disposition of the Irish discovered.} First in Religion (the surest bond of love) they are contrary unto us (who have bene there placed since her Majestie came to the Crowne, long may she in all honour and happiness enjoy {folio 88} it) noe better than heretickes: And will neyther pray nor Communicate with us, nor (excepte some verie few of them) be sworne to the supremacye. Thus Religion doth not move them to love us. What then can benefites bind them? Noe.

{The Queene and he Counsell bountifull to many Irish.} Her Majestie of her princlie bountye and youe of her Counsell of your Honourable clemencye have bene well inclyned (by benefites) to make a great number of them firme in their faith and allegiance. And yet there are but verie few of all the auntient natives of that whole kingdome{Bountye ill deserved} , but are either Traytors or frends unto Traytors. Fowre can I name who are otherwise two of the auntient Irish race, and two of the auntient English race.

{Fower of auntient famulies true.} Of the Irish Sir Charles O Carrall and {folio 89} Macoghlyn; of the English Sir John Bedlowe, and James Fitzpiers all those have done the Queene some service. And this last hath done, doth and will do her Majestie verie good service.

{Many receive benefites and none doe service.} Amongst the rest of those who have received guiftes and lyberall fees at her Majesties hand (and they are manye) there is not one, who hath either ventured himself, or bene the cause of the cuttinge of anye Traytors since I knew Ireland those 4 excepted. But to the contrary, manye of them who have been enriched by her Highnes with Landes and great pencions, are open Traytors.{Ingratitude and guile combyned.} And other who have and daylie doe taste of her Royall bountye and entertaynment are their secret frends; as in this treatise I have noted.

Thus may your Honour perceive that neither {folio 90} benefites nor kynde usage can bynde an Irish man truelye and faithfully to serve and honour her Majestie nor love our nation. For this is his nature.

{Selfe Conceit of the Irish.} When hee seeth that her Highnes and your Honours deale kyndlie with him (without desert) he presentlie imagineth the same to be done for feare to displease him; wherefore the waye to cause him to be dutifull and serviceable, is not bountye and clemencye; but to lett them have justice, and lett him know that her Majestie can and will overthrow him and his estate yf he deserve yll:{Justice is better than bounty for those} and cherish and reward him is he deserve well: Soe shall youe fynde them the moste tractable people in the world, for soe will they both love and feare those who shalbe appoynted over them, yf theye in lyke sort do administer upright justice {folio 91} unto them, the want whereof hath bene the cause of these present and many passed Enormetyes.

Thus (right Honourable) fearinge to be tedious am I enforced to conclude this discoverie wherein I have omitted much more than I have spoken of for want of tyme. And yf either the matter or the manner of my rude stile shalbe displeasing, I humblie besech your pardon for this,{Pardon desyred for Error and omission.} and your patience to surveye the next, which is the Recoverie wherein somethinges that are either herein forgotten or of purpose differed, may be discerned; the best meanes to recover that crazed kingdedome and repayre the sicklie state thereof (as farre as my poore Judgment will reach) explaned:{The conclusion of this treatise.} And how after the {folio 92} Recoverie it may be reformed, and after the reformacion, in obedience contynued.